The waves seem tranquil. Yet, their motions betray an inconstant nature. Moving now this way, now that way, pushed by winds and currents, heedless of their surroundings. Such is also the nature of men, to be moved in life by chance, inconstant beings, incapable of grander designs but the morrow@s work or wages. But sometimes the gods take notice. They bring order into man@s inconstant nature. They help turn the wave into a mountain, motionless and immovable. At first, they saw nothing in you. You found your command waiting in a far-off place, in strange lands with stranger peoples. Then came the victories and they began fearing you. You learnt much in those foreign lands, how to be, how to seem, and, always, how to keep on winning. It was so easy afterwards, perhaps because few others tried to do what you did, what needed to be done. They say the constitution of our fathers has been destroyed, but that is merely the sound of feeble waves against a mountain. Today, you are the mountain. The glory you won has carried you atop this peak, feared by many, obeyed by all, undefeated, alone.
HISTORY
According to Aristotle@s analysis of the civiliced constitutions, there was a tendency, among the Mediterranean city-states, of experiencing aristocratic coups d@Ă©tat, according to the Greek author, one of the main causes of this political phenomenon was the rise of charismatic generals who saw the possibility of establishing a personal rule in the city-state. When Aristotle (Polit. 2,11, 1272b) wrote about the Carthaginian constitution, he also made a reference to the fact that Carthage had not experienced any tyrannic form of government: “many of the Carthaginian institutions are excellent. The superiority of their constitution is proved by the fact that the common people remain loyal to the constitution. The Carthaginians have never had any rebellion worth speaking of, and have never been under the rule of a tyrant”. This Carthaginian rejection to tyranny is also showed by other written sources that mention a few generals who tried to impose a tyranny in Carthage. They were Malco (6th century BC), Hanno and Bomilcar (4th century BC) but all these cases were an exception to the rule since the written sources offer us many examples of Carthaginian generals who remained loyal to their state. The case of Hanno must be contextualized after the conflict between Carthage and Dionysius the Elder, the tyrant of Syracuse in 368 BC. The Carthaginian general, making use of his fortune, armed his slaves and, supported by Numidian troops, he sought to seize power in Carthage but failed and was killed in 360 BC. The Bomilcar@s coup d@etat happened almost two generations later, in 308 BC, during the war against Agathocles. In this case, the Carthaginian aristocrat, who was supported by 500 citizens and 1,000 mercenaries, declared himself tyrant and started a battle in the streets. As a result, the young Carthaginian citizens assembled in arms and forming companies, they defeated Bomilcar and tortured him to death.
A different case and later phenomenon from a political point of view was the rise of generals of Hellenistic nature such as the Barcids. When Hamilcar Barca was killed in 229 BC fighting against a superior force of local Iberian peoples, Hasdrubal the Fair took command of the Barcid army and avenged the death of Hamilcar. Polybius (III. 8. 2) quoting the Roman historian Fabius Pictor wrote that shortly after that initial succes, "having secured great power in Iberia, he (Hasdrubal the Fair) returned to Libya with the design of destroying the constitution and reducing Carthage to a despotism. But the leading statesmen, getting timely warning of his intention, banded themselves together and successfully opposed him. Suspecting this Hasdrubal retired from Libya, and thenceforth governed Iberia entirely at his own will without taking any account whatever of the Carthaginian Senate…". Whether or not the story told by Fabius Pictor is true, that event could suggest the existence of certain degree of political tensiĂłn between the Carthaginian state and the gnerals and governors who were sent to manage the Carthaginian provinces. According to the written sources that describe the Barcid political project and the events of the Second Punic War, these Carthaginian governors and generals, who were invested with great power due to the limited Carthaginian territorial administration, a problem shared with other contemporaneous Mediterranean states, held an important peripheral power with regard to Carthage. A century and half later, Rome experienced similar problems when influential men such as Caesar and Pompey established quasi-state structures in their respective provinces.
The existence of that political tension in the Carthaginian state of the 3rd century BC can also be seen in Livy (XXI, 3) when he describes the election of Hannibal Barca as a general. The Roman historian wrote that “for Hasdrubal@s successor there could be no question but that the choice originating with the soldiers, who immediately bore young Hannibal into the praetorium and with loud and universal acclamation hailed him general, would obtain the ratification of the senate. The approval of the commons followed. The new commander had been summoned to Spain by Hasdrubal when a mere lad, and the matter had even been debated in the senate. The Barcine party were urging that Hannibal should become inured to warfare and succeed to the resources of his father, when Hanno, the leader of the other faction, addressed the House. “here is reason,” said he, “in Hasdrubal@s request, nevertheless I am opposed to granting it.” When astonishment at a speech so inconsistent had attracted everybody@s attention, he continued: “The youthful charms which Hasdrubal himself permitted Hannibal@s father to enjoy he considers that he has the right to require again at the hands of the son. But that we should accustom our young men, by way of military training, to gratify the concupiscence of our generals is most unseemly. Or do we fear lest Hamilcar@s son may too late behold the inordinate powers and the regal pomp which his father has set up? that the son of the king who left our armies as a legacy to his son-in-law may find us too slow in accepting him for our master? For my part, I think that the young man should be kept at home and taught to live in submission to the laws and the magistrates, upon an equal footing with the others, lest one day this small fire kindle a great conflagration.” In this way, we can see how Hanno denounces a supposed monarchical drift on the part of the Barcid faction that was a novelty for the oligarchic institutions of the Carthaginian state. While some modern historians think that Barcids (especially, Hasdrubal the Fair) acted as real Puno-Hellenistic princes (rex in Latin, basileus in Greek or Melek in Punic) taking advantage of the autonomy garanted by the distance between the new province and Carthage and the well-integration of the Barcids into the local Iberian monarchies, other historians think that they eventually acted according to the political designs of the senate and people of Carthage (especially, in the case of Hannibal Barca).
STRATEGY
This building represents a uchronic scene in which an influential charismatic general, who comes from an aristocratic Carthaginian family, has succeeded where others who preceded him failed. This man has destroyed the constitution of Carthage, has proclaimed himself tyrant and has reduced Carthage to a despotism. An important segment of the Carthaginian citizenry and many rival aristocrats tried to oppose this man but failed. After the declaration of death sentences and amnesties, Carthage won@t be governed by the two annual shophets anymore but by a new unique king. This building gives a bonus to law as well as naval and cavalry experience but a malus on happines. It allows the recruitment of siege weapons, the Sacred Band, Punic citizen militia, a few imported Hellenistic bodyguards attracted to serve the new Carthaginian king and many factional troops. It also accumulates colonists every four years and spreads Hellenistic polities in the province. This represents the new form of government which clashes with the traditional Carthaginian constitution.