...When the Taliban were beaten out of governance, the mission changed again — this time to one of grueling,
corruption-prone, glacially incremental
reconstruction.
The U.S. would build, Bush
said at the time, "an Afghanistan that is free from this evil and is a better place to live." What this really meant, whether or not he knew it, was fresh billions — and
steady billions — for the Pentagon, State Department, contractors, mercenaries and a host of Afghan
warlords and
politicians.
The war was ultimately a colossal financial operation with an unfathomable toll in taxpayer dollars and human lives. That it accomplished virtually nothing of political or civic durability only confirms this.
"I don't think I could overstate that this was a system just basically designed for funneling money and wasting or losing equipment," said a U.S. veteran with Joint Command, which oversaw training of Afghan forces, in a wrenching
interview with Michael Tracey last month.
The veteran's frustrating (and not at all uncommon) experiences testify to Andrew Cockburn's
assertion that "if we understand that the [military industrial complex] exists purely to sustain itself and grow, it becomes easier to make sense of the corruption, mismanagement, and war, and understand why, despite warnings over allegedly looming threats, we remain in reality so poorly defended."
To publish tactical analyses by people like Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, a former director of Raytheon, while ignoring the vast profits accumulated by that company from never-ending wars, symbolizes the ingrained failure of the mainstream press to scrutinize our political leaders in ways that matter. When Austin pressed President Biden to preserve a military presence in Afghanistan, for example, the New York Times
reported it with no apparent irony.
Austin was just one of a sizable number of establishmentarian voices urging that the occupation be prolonged, in one form or another. Former Secretary Hillary Clinton
warned of "huge consequences" if troops were to be withdrawn. Former Secretary Condoleezza Rice sagely
recommended a sustained counterterrorism mission. Gen. Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
foresaw "some really dramatic, bad possible outcomes."
Jim Mattis, who took a short break as a
director of General Dynamics to serve as Trump's defense secretary,
warned that withdrawal from Afghanistan could leave the U.S. vulnerable to threats of terrorism. In the less than two years that Mattis served in Trump's cabinet, General Dynamics was awarded $277.66 million for work either fully or partly in Afghanistan.
In its
editorial last week condemning the fall of Kabul, the New York Times solemnly referred to the 20-year occupation as "a story of mission creep and hubris but also of the enduring American faith in the values of freedom and democracy." The paper of record's editorial board dwelled on American soldiers lost, not Afghan civilians slaughtered. It reserved its rancor for the "militants" overrunning the region, not the foreign militaries that precipitated its bloody unraveling. It went so far as to lionize the U.S. military as a "logistical superpower" able to "move heaven and earth."
The chaotic scenes of Afghans swarming an American military plane at the Kabul airport, the Times
observed, "seemed to capture the moment more vividly than words: a symbol of America's military might, flying out of the country even as Afghans hung on against all hope."
Other influential newspapers also missed the point. The Washington Post
questioned Biden's foreign policy credentials — not because of his
instrumental support for the catastrophic invasion of Iraq, but because of his "cold" and "harsh" decision to pull out of Afghanistan. The
Post worried that Biden's "callousness … will make it hard to gain allies
in the nation's next conflict" (my own, disbelieving italics). It quoted Rep. Michael Waltz, a Florida Republican and U.S. Army veteran, saying, "Who's going to trust us again?" — as if the U.S. foreign policy record thus far had been a model of trustworthiness. It even devoted front-page
attention to Sen. Lindsey Graham's fears that a Taliban victory might pose new terrorist threats to the United States. That same day, the AP
reported, Gen. Milley warned senators that the rise of the Taliban might indeed endanger the United States in unforeseen ways.
Neither the AP nor the Post noted that such new "threats" usually prompt new bonanzas for defense contractors and new catastrophes for the unlucky civilians who pay the ultimate price for campaigns launched in the names of "security" and "freedom."
The
Wall Street Journal, the
AP and others peppered their reportage with (doubtlessly factual) indictments of the Taliban's brutality and its history of violently subjugating women. But the antagonisms ended there. There was no mention of the fact that in 2019, U.S. and Afghan forces killed
more civilians than the Taliban did. Or that U.S. and Afghan forces are
under investigation by the International Criminal Court for war crimes, including rape and torture. Or that a staggering number of deaths and injuries have been inflicted by U.S.
drone operations and
airstrikes throughout the region. Or that the National Security Agency had been
spying on virtually every Afghan with a cell phone. Or that the U.S. decision to re-destabilize the country critically exacerbated the
refugee catastrophe (with roughly 6 million Afghans displaced so far). Also swept under the carpet were the
Afghanistan Papers, leaked documents that revealed U.S. officials had blatantly lied and fudged reports about the progress of their trillion-dollar project for years.
When it comes to foreign policy, American lawmakers seem to be feminists and freedom fighters only when it's convenient. Otherwise, human rights and democracy serve as buzzwords and stratagems, too easily wielded by a military establishment that believes global problems require military solutions, which in return require half of Congress' discretionary spending.
When it comes to the media establishment's selective criticisms of tragedies like Afghanistan and the broader role of the U.S. military — not to mention its often inglorious and sometimes depraved history — it ends up doing the bidding, knowingly or otherwise, of the world's most moneyed military-industrial complex.