Since 2012, Qatar has hosted a political office for Hamas after the group’s external leadership was
kicked out of its previous base in Damascus for criticizing the Assad regime’s violent repression of demonstrators at the start of the Arab Spring. What Doha’s detractors miss is that the Obama Administration
asked Qatar to play this role so that it could maintain an indirect channel of communication with Hamas, which is deemed a “
foreign terrorist organization” by the State Department. This proscribes U.S. officials from communicating directly with Hamas, which makes having an intermediary able to engage pragmatically on issue-specific points, especially in times of tension, all the more critical.
In recent years, the Qatari government has also provided significant financial
aid to Gaza to pay wages for civil servants, deliver assistance to needy families, finance the UN refugee agency operating schools and hospitals, and support construction projects. As a New York Times
investigation confirmed, this money was provided at the behest of the United States and Israel, who wanted to stabilize Gaza amid Israel’s crippling blockade but were unable to allocate funds themselves. That does not mean, however, that Israel has not had a
direct role in the dispersal of these funds. At times, money was literally hand-carried through Israel’s Erez Crossing into Gaza and escorted by Israeli intelligence officers. Later, it was dispersed through United Nations aid mechanisms at the discretion of the Israeli government.
Indeed, mere days before October 7, Qatar was asked to increase its funding to Gaza to mitigate an escalating economic crisis and calm discontent,
according to reports in the Israeli press.