The Empire Strikes Back - Seleucids AAR [R: TW Vanilla]

[Wahram1991]

Hello there,

I started one AAR that I failed to continue years ago. While I will not leave it this way, the quarantine had its additional benefits for my creativity: I started one quite nice imperial campaign with the Seleucids. Aiming at not repeating the same mistake as earlier, I have already written a couple of chapters for this one. (A nice side-ways activity besides also writing my dissertation.) Have fun!

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[Wahram1991]

Part I: Crisis

Crisis is a test of civilisations.

And if anything, the Hellenic world at the end of 3^rd century BC did experience an era of great crisis. The strives of the successor states had finally destabilised the Macedonian rule over the former empire of Alexander – and great changes came along.

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It all started in Egypt, where a native rebellion chased the Ptolemaic dynasty away. The revolt was specifically anti-Hellenic in nature; its xenophobic tone lead to the great massacre of the colonising foreigners in Alexandria and the destruction of the city. The jewel of the former conqueror was now in ruins; in the place of his Diadochi, a new, native dynasty after the long line of foreign rulers arose, one that imitated the style of the Egyptian Bronze Age. While Hellenic historians refused to accept this change and continued to refer to Egypt as being under the rule of the Macedonian, the succession of the native ‘pseudo-Ptolemaic’ dynasty did augur ill for the current rule of Hellenes over the East.

At the same time, the Seleucid Empire also experienced great turmoil. While its military was occupied with conquering Syria from the Ptolemaioi, a great revolt started in the Eastern peripheries. What made this rebellion a most dangerous one was the fact that local satraps and cities called for the help of the nomadic Parthians, an Iranian people of the steppe against the Macedonian central power. The successful nature of this initiative lead to the fact that the Parthian horse archer showed up even in the province of Elymais by 270 BC – dangerously close to the rich plains of Mesopotamia. At the same time, the new kingdoms of Pontus and Armenia also declared their independence from their suzerains, the Seleucids; and it was to be expected that these fresh states would have a hunger for territories only to be satisfied through expansion.

The great and lone Hellenic empire of the East was in great trouble. A stampede of the Macedonian elite started with the new situation; the elite of the colonisers fled the Seleucid territories in such numbers that the dynasty could not even convene the troops of the Hetairoi in efficient numbers. The few remaining nobles were tasked to be bodyguards for the generals. All the Seleucids had truly left were the militia troops recruited from the lower Hellenic classes of their realms; they were to be used against the new and powerful enemies of a seething empire.

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On the other hand, not all was lost. The Seleucids still controlled the core territories of the empire: the rich plains of Syria, Mesopotamia and Southern Anatolia. While the quality of their arms were low, they could still enlist troops in adequate numbers. It was only left to the talent of their generals whether they could make the most out of these possibilities in their future campaigns – in an attempt arguably greater than that of Alexander: the renovation of his Great Hellenic Empire despite being surrounded by enemies much more energetic than the Persians, the decadent foes of the former king. The new cult of Hephaestus, god of weapon-making reinforced this determination: that a new realm must rise, made from iron and blood.

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As for a start, the ruler of the Seleucid realms, King Antiochus made a bold move in a Hellenic world torn apart by internal strife for power: he distributed much power to the newly-appointed governors in the West and the East. Their task was simple: in possession of full control over the resources of their provinces, they had to start their moves against the enemies of the empire. What stood against their fragile loyalty was the powerful call of the common cause: the survival of Hellenic culture in the East.

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Crisis is a test of peoples indeed: to show whether they are destined to fall into the abyss – or whether they can have their places in the sun again.

[Wahram1991]

Part II: Baby Steps

War is not a matter of raw strength alone, but its outcome rather depends on the clever exploitation of opportunities. This is what concerns diplomacy; and the Seleucids were now in grave need of this art. It was clear that the greatest enemy of the empire was the anti-Hellenic native dynasty of Egypt – so King Antiochus started with the recognition of its new rulers to put them off their guard.

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It was also a good sign that the states that recently seceded from the Seleucid Empire did not have the self-confidence yet to openly march against it. Although their rulers all titled themselves as the King of Kings, Armenia, Parthia and Pontus still asked for their recognition by their neighbour – and to buy the blessed time needed for war preparations, Antiochus did so.

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On the other hand, time could not be wasted either; the renovation had to start as soon as possible. The first enemy against which the Seleucids marched was a rather minor one: the revolting province of Lycia, the governor of which allied with local brigands and pirates to expand his rule. The King tasked Alexander, the Seleucid satrap of Ionia, with the task to hire troops and deal with the rebellion quickly. Thus, he marched to the city of Halicarnassus with a phalanx made up by the militia and the supporting forces of Cretan archers and Rhodian slingers – and faced with a considerably greater force of similar nature.

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Despite the disadvantage in terms of numbers, the Seleucid army had one tactical advantage: that the army of rebels lacked cavalry. The plan of Alexander exploited this fact with a daring move: he left the infantry behind to attack the missile troops of his enemy with his bodyguards and to save his troops from their fire.

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While he was occupied with this task, his militia retreated from the advancing enemy – and the Seleucid light infantry could exploit the gaps created in the hostile phalanx by its advance to rain missiles to its sides and back.

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Alexander soon defeated the missile troops of the rebels and returned to support his own infantry. The forces of the Lycian rebellion had no other choice but to surrender upon realising that the Seleucid forces surrounded them from all directions. Alexander won the battle quite easily with only light casualties; the revolting satrap was captured on the battlefield and got executed – and the empire gained its control back over the whole of Southern Anatolia.

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Although the battle of Halicarnassus was a minor one, it was still an important example as for the future tactics of the Seleucid army against infantry-based enemies. The phalanx was only meant to be the anvil from the beginning; the mobile hammer of Macedonian armies had always been their cavalry. To counter-balance the low quality of their groups and the related advantage of their enemies, Seleucid generals relied on mobility to a great extent.

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This was a decisive factor in the war that erupted with Egypt in the same year.

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[Wahram1991]

Part III: The Land of God
After the fall of the Ptolemaic dynasty, the old fight for the control over the lands of Greater Syria gained another understanding. As the native dynasty of Egypt aimed at the eradication of Hellenic culture and presence in their reach, the mere squabble over border territories developed into a struggle for survival for the Seleucid rulers – the capital of whom, Antiochia laid in the middle of these lands.

This was the reason behind the quick mobilisation of an army under the command of the young Seleucid general, Demetrius. The youngest son of King Antiochus was tasked to do the great task: to push back Egyptians to their native lands – and then to make a move upon the observation of the situation. Demetrius initiated his offensive accordingly in 269 BC – and conquered Sidon and the surrounding province of Phoenicia with relative ease.

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The real difficulties came with the attack on Judea as a relatively large Egyptian force gathered in defence of the territory. Whereas Hellenic sources mention the general as ‘Pthaotes’, scholars recently discovered Egyptian material that revealed the name of the commander to be 'Ptahhotep' – a clear reference to the times of the Fifth Dynasty and the ancient power of native Egypt. He was in charge of troops that posed a special danger to the Seleucid army: not only a phalanx of Hellenic style, but also a considerable amount of light infantry capable of outmanoeuvring the Seleucid troops – and chariots designed on the model of old Egyptian and Persian examples. While one of the riders shot arrows at the enemy, the scythes applied on the wheels could cut through the legs of horses or seriously wound men – a feature definitely not attractive to face with.

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On the other hand, the sudden offensive of Demetrius found the hostile forces surprised; once again, the divided nature of the enemy gave an advantage to the Seleucid forces. Then again, the phalanx of native Egyptians and the bowmen took a defensive position on top of a small hill – the Seleucid forces could only launch an attack at the cost of great casualties.

According to Hellenic authors, a small miracle of nature eventually helped them: a sudden, but mild sand storm that only bothered the attackers, but made it impossible for the Egyptian archers to aim precisely. Such events were common topoi of ancient historiography to accentuate the blessed nature of warriors due to their righteous aims.

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On the other hand, it seems to be clear from the records that the cavalry of Demetrius could indeed get to the top of the hill and occupy the hostile troops long enough for the phalanx to arrive. Surrounded totally, the natives gave up the fight.

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Now, it was the Seleucid army that could welcome the arriving troops of Ptahhotep from the high ground. The chariots still attempted to inflict casualties on the Hellenic forces, but to no avail: having to withdraw from their advancing infantry, the Seleucid cavalry attacked them from the side.

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Even Ptahhotep himself lost his life in the ensuing fight. Entirely discouraged from his death, the Egyptian troops surrendered to Demetrios – who had the prisoners massacred as a revenge for the killed Macedonians of Alexandria. Whereas Hellenic prisoners had been quite safe during the wars of the Diadochi due to their value as trained soldiers and the frequent phenomenon of them switching allegiance quite easily, the xenophobic feature of the Egyptian revolt and the fall of the Ptolemaic dynasty introduced a new, chilling phenomenon into the warfare of the Middle East.

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As a consequence, the lands of Greater Syria, Phoenicia and Judea now belonged to the realms of King Antiochus – but not without putting up further resistance. The local peoples had been under the rules of alien conquerors, Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, Macedonians and Egyptians for centuries now – and they decided it was enough.

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Great revolts erupted in both provinces in opposition to the Hellenic rule. Demetrius had to suspend his push to the borders of native Egypt to deal with these revolts and consolidate the Seleucid rule over these territories. He managed to defeat the revolts in the battles of Tyre and Beer-Shaba. Whereas records are scarce on the former, we can observe the details of the Judean rebellion and its management by Demetrius quite well.



Besides having to bear the yoke of new lords, the fact that the general also introduced the cult of Hephaistus to the province also bothered Judeans to a great extent. In an attempt to shake off Hellenic rule and to make yet another attempt in a long line of previous ones to re-establish the state of Israel, Judeans gathered together a great army that could easily outnumber the forces of Demetrius. Their forces constituted a noteworthy foe in terms of quality as well: spearmen, archers and cavalry were all present in the army of the rebellion.

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Once again, it was only up to the leadership of the Seleucid general whether the Hellenic reconquest was to be successful – or whether local peoples could finally establish their own independent statehoods.

As his main concern was the danger archers posed to the slow and ill-armoured phalanx of the militia, Demetrius decided to advance with his cavalry.

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Having defeated the horsemen found on the flank of the enemy, the Hellenic general threatened the rear of the Judean army. The intent of the rebels was to eliminate this threat – at which determination they almost succeeded. However, despite them having managed to route a part of the Hellenic cavalry, Demetrius was also successful at diverting their attention; by the time they realised their mistake, the Seleucid phalanx arrived. The Judean infantry stood no chance against the solid wall of advancing pikes; they had no other choice but to escape the battlefield in panic.

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Chasing off the hostile infantry, Seleucid troops could surround and defeat the Judean cavalry as well.

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In sum, Demetrius turned the tides with a risky, but daring tactic. Having defeated the main armies of the local rebellion, he left the final consolidation of Judea and Phoenicia to the future satrap of Greater Syria – and continued his advance towards Egypt.

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At the same time, the Seleucid Empire initiated yet another war – with a new enemy of entirely different nature in comparison to its previous ones.

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[Turkafinwë]

Welcome, or should I say, welcome back Wahram to the Writers' Study!

You start by giving us a well-versed view of the world you're playing in, the distinct differences with history (the omission of the Ptolemaic Dynasty by Rome TW, being the primary one). Rather than it being a nuiscance, I always found that when I played the game, you use it to your advantage and mold the change into this alternate timeline. It drives the characters and changes the theatre of war. I really like your style of writing, it flows nicely and draws the reader wonderfully into the story.

From what I remember, the Seleucids are one of the hardest starts in RTW but you seem to be doing just fine.

Looking forward to seeing more of this!

[Wahram1991]

Holá,

thank you very much! Indeed, I kind of like the pseudo-history of the Vanilla version for that reason - you can fill in the gaps with your imagination, plus it actually makes the idea of 'world conquest' (or at least that of the RTW map) if circumstances are that different from our historical reality. I respect historical mods (especially EB) to a great extent, but the player still overwrites the rules of reality there with the creation of overly great empires, which is not realistic either.

Posting the next chapter soon!

[Wahram1991]

Part IV: Bows and Arrows

While the campaign against Egypt progressed quite well, it did not change the fact that the empire was still surrounded by potential enemies – and no allies were to be found to help on that situation. It was the fresh and unstable rule of Parthians that seemed to be the most vulnerable when it came to the neighbourhood; thus, King Antiochus ordered a pre-emptive attack against the nomads. It was the task of his eldest son and the governor of the Mesopotamian region, Aristarchus to drive them back into the mountains of Zagros and to secure the safety of the plain-lands.

As in the case of Egypt, the initial attack went quite smoothly: the great city of Susa fell quickly. To punish the inhabitants for their traitorous behaviour, Aristarchus put many of the citizens into slavery.

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The greatest threat to the Seleucid Empire yet came in the image of the Parthian counter-attack. A force of medium size descended to the Mesopotamian plain from the mountains and advanced towards Susa. Aristarchus set out to meet them on the field – only to find out that the Parthian army featured the most dangerous troops the Hellenes needed to face yet.

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The nomadic force consisted of the dreaded horse archers and the so-called kataphraktoi, horsemen entirely clad in iron along with their rides. Aristarchus knew it well that the phalanx would break almost instantly under the heavy rain of arrows and the ensuing charge of armoured cavalry: a basic strategy of nomads from Sarmatians to Parthians.

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Consequently, his plan was to withdraw to Susa and face this threat from behind the walls. Lacking infantry, the nomads would not have been able to lay siege to the settlement – and even in case they could break through the fortifications, they could not stand a chance against Hellenic pikemen on the narrow streets.

The plan was close to perfection; but an unforeseeable event blocked its execution: the revolt of the phalanx itself. The militia under the command of Aristarchus consisted of native colonisers, Greeks and Macedonians whose homes were threatened by the nomadic raid; even more, they were also afraid of the horsemen and thus, pressed their general to face them in an open battle. Having faced the choice between losing his soldiers in battle or due to desertion, Aristarchus opted for taking his chances – on which the fate of Mesopotamia depended.
[SPOILER][SPOILER]
Thus, the two forces met on the battlefield near to Susa. The Parthians positioned themselves on a small hill – an almost perfect position for launching arrows and charges alike. Slow advance was not an option for the Hellenes; similar to the battle of Marathon, they could only safe themselves by charging ahead as quickly as possible. The only problem left – besides the almost hopeless situation of their forces – was that of possible encirclement by the Parthian horsemen. Aristarchus tried to solve this problem by establishing as wide of a line for the phalanx as possible, which corps now contained groups armed with the famous sarissa, the long pike of Macedonian infantry.

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The Seleucid general had to go on the attack – and he did so without holding back. He must have realised that his only chance was to surprise the nomads with a cavalry charge to buy time for the arriving infantry; and then, to pin the enemy forces between these units. There was only one surprising element in the execution of this plan – that it actually worked.

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While the Parthian horse archers could still decimate the Hellene cavalry attacking on the right flank and could withdraw in time, the kataphraktoi behind them did not see the desperate charge of the Seleucid forces coming. They were surrounded in no time by the bodyguards of Aristarchus and the soldiers of the militia; and such a situation immediately highlighted their great weakness: the lack of mobility. As started to fall in great numbers, panic also spread amongst horse archers – and suddenly, the whole right flank of the Parthian army fled the battlefield.

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Yet, the bulk of horse archers and kataphraktoi still stood their ground; and the Hellenes continued to charge with the same resignation. Upon their initial attack, the cavalry of Aristarchus withdrew, only to be followed by the enraged Parthians – who ran into the arms of the arriving phalanx.

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Naturally, arrows and the long lances of the armoured horsemen took their toll on the Hellenic army. However, the kataphraktoi were still surrounded and fell quickly. Having seen their defeat in hand-to-hand combat, the horse archers withdrew – and while Hellenes could only celebrate a victory of much higher losses than on other battlefields, it was still victory nonetheless.

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Following this surprising result, Aristarchus could face Parthian forces once more soon when clearing off the province of Elymais from their remnants. A small nomadic force of horse archers and low-quality infantry pillaged the villages in the Southern part of the lands; the Seleucid general set out with his depleted, but proud forces to meet the enemy.

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The same tactic proved to be simple, but effective once again: the quick charge of the Hellenic cavalry confused their Parthian counter-parts and thus, they missed their chance to withdraw. The bodyguards of Aristarchus could easily defeat the nomads in hand-to-hand combat; the surviving ones fled the field in panic. The low-quality infantry of Parthians – some slingers and spearmen – soon also surrendered to the victors. Mesopotamia was safe from the nomadic invasion, at least for now.

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While Aristarchus was successful at securing Mesopotamia, his brother, Demetrius was on the move again towards Egypt – to meet his greatest foe yet.

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[Turkafinwë]

You dealt superbly with those Parthians, that horse archer + cataphract combo is so powerful that it can rout armies thrice their size. A great victory against the Parthians, now to a tremendous triumph in Egypt?

[Wahram1991]

We shall see Next chapter soon!

[Wahram1991]

And btw, thank you! I rarely have to replay even tough battles, but I had to do this one twice- on the first try, the Parthians would avoid the approaching phalanx and my army routed after being shot in masses. So on the second try, I just charged ahead with the cavalry, and let the phalanx follow. The result was surprising for me as well

[Alwyn]

Great AAR, like Turk I enjoyed the way that you use the differences from history to your advantage. It looks as if Antiochus and Alexander are bold, decisive leaders.

[Wahram1991]

Into the Black Land

Putting merely one foot into the homeland of the enemy, Demetrius had to face the army of the Egyptian heir to the throne twice as great as his at Pelusion, the gate of Egypt. The large hostile force was both an obstacle to further conquests and a threat to the fresh ones in Greater Syria; thus, the Seleucid general had not many other choices but to attack this army of chariots, archers, javelinmen and phalanxes - on a rough terrain that put his infantry at a disadvantage, since it could easily break the advancing line of spears. Once again, however, the Egyptians did not have cavalry, which allowed Demetrius to engage in hit-and-run tactics and slowly destroy them group by group, while the militia heroically resisted the volleys of arrows and javelins unleashed on them.

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They could soon have their revenge on the Egyptian general as the rough terrain did not advantage the utilisation of chariots either; lacking the possibility to manoeuvre around, the Seleucid infantry could eventually run them down.

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A great deal of Egyptian forces was thus destroyed - and the road into Egypt was open.

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Demetrius could quickly march on Alexandria, a symbolic location of the campaign. The native revolt against Hellenic rule peaked in the massacre of the city’s inhabitants; even more, the loss of the city would have been equivalent to the isolation of the Egyptian forces from the sea, a possible source of supplies and a way to escape. No wonder his foes were eager to battle Demetrius as he laid siege to Alexandria; yet, they were unwise when it came to the choice of location. The Seleucid general blocked the passage of the hostile forces at the Nile. The Egyptians tried to force their way through – only to get themselves impaled on the spears of the phalanx. Hellenic poets sang about the heaps of bodies gathered in front of the Seleucid battle line.

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A great amount of Egyptians forces laid dead again on the battlefield; and Demetrius could enter Alexandria without resistance. A great massacre followed in revenge of the events years earlier.

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While the motivations behind this policy of Demetrius must have been purely psychological ones, its effects followed suit in this regard. Pushing further towards the Nile, the general encountered yet another two great Egyptian forces close to the Great Pyramid of Giza. The first group of cavalry and infantry charged fanatically and frontally to the spear wall of the Seleucid phalanx - a mistake that also showed the growing desperation of the enemy.

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On the other hand, the second army skilfully tried to flank its Hellenic opponent; yet, the Seleucid infantry could still slow down the charge of the chariots and defeated them in close combat.

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With the defeat of Egyptians fell Memphis; and Thebes remained as the only great city under their control in their own homeland.

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Demetrius battled the remaining forces of natives there - a final battle that gained the Seleucid Empire and him the control of Egypt. By this, the general was well known in the Hellenic world for his victories; but the massacre at Alexandria put a black label on his name. War and genocide do not go hand-in-hand; the appearance of cruelty deteriorates the psychological side of warfare. This negative aspect when it came to the carrier of Demetrius resulted in his reputation as being infamous among the native peoples of Northern Africa; in fear of his presence in the neighbourhood, tribes from the territories of nowadays Sudan and Libya sent forces to help the last stand of Egyptians.

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We do not know a lot about the last battle of Demetrius in mainland Egypt. Only one fact seems to be sure according to the chroniclers of antiquity: they accentuated the desperate resistance of Egyptians took a bloody toll on the Seleucid army.

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While the general could still score a victory near Thebes, it must have been a great lesson to him; although the carrier of Demetrius was a long one, it did not feature further feats similar to that Alexandria.

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The native dynasty of Egypt lost control of its homeland mere years after its rise to power as opposed to the Ptolemaics; the pharaoh escaped with his forces to the Arab tribes of the Sinai peninsula, and the Egyptian control over the Cyprus did not shake either due to the isolated position of the island from the events of the mainland. Thus, while the Egyptian campaign was over, Demetrius and the Seleucid Empire still had tasks to do in this regard - in a time when new enemies appeared on the borders.

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[Turkafinwë]

Great victories in Egypt and good development of Demetrius as a character. Now that their homeland is conquered, the Egpytians are surely done for. Still with war coming to the Seleucids from the north they might become more than just a nuiscance.

[Kilo11]

So far, I have only read parts one and two, but I am enjoying catching up on this. Keep up the good work!

[Wahram1991]

Where the Sun Rises

While Demetrius was busy with eliminating the Egyptian threat to Hellenism itself, new enemies appeared at the gates. The Pontic and the Armenian Kingdoms - both ruling over the poor tribes of the Northern mountains - tried to make their ways into the rich plain lands of Cilicia, Syria and Northern Mesopotamia. This posed a grave danger to the very core of the Seleucid Empire itself; and it was King Antiochus who had to prove his skills as a general by leading the local forces to meet these challenges. While fortifications halted the advance of the Pontic forces in the Taurus mountains, the monarch could rush into the lands of Assyria to clash with the attacking Armenians.

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While it was still the Hellenic militia that composed the bulk of the Seleucid army, the successes of recent years slowly showed their effects: Cretan archers and Rhodian slingers also arrived from the Alexander, the satrap of Ionia and Lycia. They were to be especially powerful assets against the Armenian army, that adopted the extensive use of horse archers from the Parthians. Once again, it was the undisciplined nature of the invaders that helped the cause of the Seleucids. The bodyguards of King Antiochus swept the resistance of the Armenian horse archers away; the low-quality infantry of the Armenian army could not stand a chance without their support.

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Due to their defeats, dissent appeared in the Armenian army that also proved to be lucky for the cause of the defenders. A portion of the Armenian forces rebelled and erected a pretender as opposed to the Armenian king; the attackers became preoccupied with the suppression of the revolt instead of the invasion itself.

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At the same time, the Pontic forces of invasion and the Seleucid army defending Cilicia also clashed in the mountains. The army of the Easterners was more fit for raids rather than proper campaigns; its only dangerous component were the scythed chariots based on the imperial Persian models.

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While the Pontic Kingdom utilised this with great effects in its campaigns to conquer Cappadocia – but their charge proved fruitless against the spear wall of the phalanx.

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Upon experiencing such a feeble attempt of conquest, King Antiochus tasked the young Antisthenes Dionysus - son of Alexander - to punish the Pontics. The orders of the Seleucid general were quite simple: to attack the Pontic satrapy of Cappadocia - and then, the heartland of the enemy itself.

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After Syria, Egypt and Mesopotamia, the Seleucids found yet another battlefield for their reconquista: Anatolia - which name meant ‘sunrise’ in Ancient Greek. Divided between various states warring with each other, the contemporary conditions of the land were quite anarchic. Thus, it was no surprise that Sarmatian mercenaries offered their services to Antisthenes before the start of his campaign; the Seleucid army reinforced with their units readily marched to the centre of Cappadocia, the city of Mazaka.

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It was revealed during the siege that the inclusion of the nomads was a wise choice from Antisthenes. The arrows of the Sarmatians took quite a toll from the Pontic defenders of Mazaka.

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On the other hand, the Seleucid infantry experienced troubles within the walls of the settlement. While it was easy for them to bash the wooden walls of the settlement with battering rams, the phalanx proved to be hard to manoeuvre inside the city. The heavy cavalry of the Pontic defenders used this fact to their advantage and attacked the Hellenic soldiers. Unable to use their long pikes effectively, the Seleucid infantry could only prevail at the price of heavy casualties.

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Still, the Pontic resistance seemed to be quite weak: after one failed attempt of attack, they already lost the province of Cappadocia to the Seleucids. This was the fact that might have made Antisthenes overly bold: leaving his recovering infantry behind, the general ravaged the central lands of Pontus itself with his cavalry. He got close to the capital Sinope itself – where he was ambushed by an army four as big as his according to the Hellenic historians. Without a chance to withdraw, the small forces of the Seleucids had to stand their grounds in alien territory.

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Yet, Antisthenes had an advantage similar to that of his father during his campaign in Lycia: he was in charge of a quite mobile and disciplined force as opposed to the Pontic army, that featured large masses of low-quality infantry. He was also a late, but fateful disciple of Alexander the Great: he knew that he could only win by swiftly attacking and defeating the Pontic leadership, as thus the enemy army would lose its head and become disorganised. Being able to avoid the grasp of the enemy infantry, the Seleucid general quickly eliminated the enemy cavalry at the right flank of the enemy.

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It was only after his victory in the ensuing cavalry fight - that ended with the escape of the Pontic leadership from the battlefield - that Antisthenes could turn his attention to the hostile infantry. The Seleucid cavalry, this quick serpent bit into the enemy mass from various sides; while the Pontic infantry fell in masses, they also inflicted casualties on the Hellenic cavalry - quite serious ones due to its lower numbers. Still, the mobility of the cavalry finally prevailed over the disheartened enemy.

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Although at heavy costs, but the Seleucid army still won an unbelievable victory in front of Sinope.

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The city of Sinope fell shortly as well as the Hellenic reinforcements arrived soon. Upon the experiences of Mazaka, the Seleucid infantry advanced more cautiously this time. The attacking Pontic cavalry found itself in the surrounding claws of the enemy forces.

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The Hellenic forces scored a well-earned victory - and now, the Seleucid Empire dominated all lands from the Red to the Black Sea.

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With the threat coming from Anatolia defeated, it was time for the Seleucids to secure their rule over Asia – that could only became possible through their offensive to the mountains defended by the horse armies of Armenia and Parthia.

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[Wahram1991]

Some grammatical errors here and there, guys. Still, I hope you will enjoy it!

[Alwyn]

I certainly did, the bold leadership of young Antisthenes Dionysus are impressive! (It's almost as if his inexperience contributed to his success, I can imagine that a more experienced commander might have been reluctant to do what he did).

[Turkafinwë]

Like Alwyn said, the bold Antisthenes' actions granted the Empire a decisive victory over Pontus and solidified Seleucid control over much of Anatolia. Enemies of the Empire beware, your downfall is near at hand!