Zagwe Dynasty of Ethiopia: Some historical review (on the 1174 AD)
Capital: Roha (Adafa)
Faction leader: Lalibela Gebre Mesqel (1172-1212 by one version, or 1180-1220)
Faction heir: Na'akato La'ab, nephew of Lalibela
Pretender to the throne: Yitbarak, son of Lalibela
Royal tree
General info
Zagwe (Ge'Ez,
; Amharic
).
The most convincing etymology is(za-agaw - who from Agaw).
TitlesSpoiler Alert, click show to read:We know the titles that Lalibela used from his donations:
In the first case it's Neguse, and in the second case Hadani.
The AgawSpoiler Alert, click show to read:
"The Agaw constitute a major part of the speakers of Cushitic languages. The exact position of their language in relation to the other branches of this family is defined by linguists as Central Cushitic. And the Agaw language group is itself divided into a number of dialects of which the distribution extends from as far north as Bogos in central Eritrea to as far south-west as Agawmtdtr in north-western Gojjam. It is apparent that the Agaw language area originally included the whole of the Ethiopian plateau north of present-day Shoa. But even after the long period of semitization, which started at least in the first millennium BC, the Agaw language continued to be spoken in the districts of Avergele, Bur, Wag, Lasta and beyond the rivers Tekeze and the Blue Nile in the west. The whole Agaw area east of the Tekeze river was converted to Christianity during the Aksumite period; but, except for the use of the Ethiopic language in the liturgy and worship of the church, the inhabitants of this area remained predominantly Agaw in their linguistic affiliations. Semitic expansion southwards to Amhara (and probably also to the areas further south where other Semitic languages were spoken) bypassed the Agaw stronghold between the Selleri and the Tekeze rivers. This expansion was apparently effected through a narrow corridor which formed the high ridge separating the basins of the Tekeze and the Awash. But when the capital of the Christian monarchs shifted south of Aksum to Kubar, the ancient Agaw stronghold in the upper basin in the Tekeze suddenly became the very centre of the kingdom. Large numbers of the Agaw were probably recruited for military and other services in the royal court, and the process of assimilation and partial semitization was further intensified. Inter-marriages between the family of the negus and those of the Agaw hereditary rulers probably took place, and the Agaw were thus brought into the political and military power structure of the Christian kingdom. Through such slow developments, for the historical reconstruction of which we only have very meagre traditions, the Agaw finally took control of the Christian state and established a new dynasty of their own, which has been known in Ethiopian history as the Zagwe dynasty, which only means the 'dynasty of the Agaw'." [3]
The Zagwe Dynasty (1150-1270)Spoiler Alert, click show to read:
"From a very close investigation of the few references to the period immediately before the rise of the new dynasty, one can clearly detect a definite revival in the power of the Christian state. It seems that, by the second half of the eleventh century, the Christian kingdom had not only outlived the disastrous effects of its conflicts with the queen of the banu al-hamwijya, referred to above, but it had also entered a new period of conquest and expansion. References in the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria indicate that the Ethiopian monarchs successfully defied Fatimid attempts to reduce Christian Ethiopia into a distant sphere of influence. In about 1080, the Egyptian bishop, Sawiros, secured nomination as metropolitan of Ethiopia by promising the Fatimid caliph that he would pursue and encourage pro-Muslim policies in Ethiopia and that he would also send large tributes to Cairo every year. When he attempted to implement these promises in Ethiopia, the bishop was humiliated and put in jail for some time. When the Fatimids threatened to destroy the churches of Egypt as a reprisal for this insult, the Ethiopian monarch is said to have replied that, if any church in Egypt was molested, he would himself dismantle the Ka'aba in Mecca. Regardless of whether this report is a mere legend or a historical fact, its inclusion in the biography of an Alexandrian patriarch certainly indicates that Christian Egyptians had started to look upon Ethiopia as a champion of their church. In fact, the patriarchate was to continue to use Christian Ethiopia as a trump card in its relations with the Muslim sultans of Egypt throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. But since this is first reported towards the end of the eleventh century, it certainly indicates a definite revival in the power of the kingdom at the time. There are also tantalizing reports which seem to show that the frontiers of both church and state had once again started to expand during the beginning of the twelfth century. An interesting passage in the Arabic chronicle of the sultanate of Shoa, which reports that there was a conflict between the Amhara (Christians) and the Muslims in the area of the eastern foothills of the Shoan plateau in the year 1128, has already been referred to. This seems to be an indication of a new Christian attempt to expand southwards during that period. We also have other traditions of a slow movement of isolated Christian families towards the Shoan plateau. One such tradition has it that the family of Tekla-Haymanot (c. 1215-1313) settled in north-eastern Shoa ten generations before him. This takes us back to the second half of the eleventh and the first years of the twelfth centuries. The History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria also seems to imply a period of Christian expansion in an invaluable reference to the rather strained relations between Ethiopia and Patriarch Gabri'el (1131-45).1 It is reported there that the Ethiopian monarch first asked the Egyptian metropolitan in Ethiopia to appoint an additional bishop for the country. When this was refused, the king wrote to both Patriarch Gabri'el and the Egyptian sultan asking for the appointment of more bishops for his kingdom. The Egyptian chronicles show that the request was eventually denied, but the desperate attempt of the Ethiopians clearly indicates that they had begun to acquire more extensive territory, for the evangelization of which they needed additional bishops and clerics. This interpretation fits in with the general historical context of the period, and we have other references to Ethiopian monarchs addressing similar requests to Cairo when their growing empire became too unwieldy for a single metropolitan. Thus, it seems very clear that the end of the eleventh and the beginning of the twelfth centuries saw a definite movement of revival and Christian expansion. This was further enhanced by the rise to power of the new and very energetic 'dynasty of the Agaw'.
We will perhaps never know for certain the exact, circumstances under which the new dynasty arose. But it seems very clear now that it came to power towards the middle of the twelfth century and lasted for about one hundred and fifty years.1 The founder of the dynasty was a local prince of Bugna, in Lasta, perhaps related by marriage to the preceding ruling house as some traditions have it. The first definite result of the dynastic change was the establishment of yet another capital at Adefa in Bugna, not very far from the present-day site of the town of Lalibela. This was located at the heart of Agaw country and it was from here that the new rulers set about rebuilding the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia. Because of lack of contemporary sources, the early history of this period is rather obscure. But the increasing amount of traditional material which has recently come to light and the few references in the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, as well as the rich architectural remains of the period, enable us to provide a skeletal history of the dynasty.
A crucial development, which was to be of utmost importance in the subsequent history of Ethiopia, was the great enthusiasm with which the Zagwe kings began to look outwards and to strengthen their communications with Egypt and the Holy Land. In the hagiographical traditions about his life, the third Zagwe king, Yimrihane-Kristos, is said to have written to the Egyptian sultan asking for building materials in return for Ethiopian gold, and the request is said to have been granted. The same Zagwe king is said to have built the beautiful church of Yimrihane-Kristos, not very far from his capital Adefa, and which has been named after him. Many foreign ecclesiastics described as 'Romans' are said to have come to his kingdom, and their traditional tombs in this church and in the neighbouring districts are still, treated with much awe and respect. Another interesting tradition is that in the year 1189, the famous Egyptian ruler, Salah al-Din, gave the Ethiopians a number of churches in Jerusalem when he expelled the Latins from the Holy City. This seems to have increased the number of Ethiopian pilgrims to Palestine along the old caravan routes from northern Ethiopia to the Nile Valley, which were apparently used very frequently at the time. Between the years 1*05 and 1209, for instance, a number of official delegations were exchanged between Cairo and Adefa, during the patriarchate of Abba Yohannes (1189-1216).1 The zeal with which the Zagwe began to strengthen their ties with Egypt and with the Holy Land seems to have left permanent imprints in the literary and architectural history of the period. Cerulli has suggested that the close contacts which the Zagwe inaugurated with the eastern Mediterranean region may have resulted in some literary activities in the form of translations and original compositions.2 Conti Rossini also thought that the literary developments of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries must have started during the Zagwe era, which he called 'the dawn of a new period in Ethiopian literature'.3 But the extent of the Zagwe fascination with the Holy Land is particularly seen in the building of a series of underground churches at a site near the capital city of Adefa.
...
Besides their obvious patronage of Ethiopic literature and Christian arts, the Zagwe kings also seem to have started to expand the territories of the Christian kingdom. There is an eyewitness report that the Zagwe had a large army, estimated in 1209 as consisting of more than 60,000 soldiers.2 The same document also indicates that the Zagwe monarch who reigned in 1209 led successful expeditions outside his domains. Local traditions about the same period seem to show that the Zagwe had launched a policy of expansion into the pagan areas to the west and south. They apparently made an attempt to control Gojjam, with the local Agaw rulers of which they seem to have had a number of armed conflicts. The extent of the Zagwe success in Gojjam is not known. But Beke recorded in the 1840s local traditions among the Agaw of northern Gojjam that their ancestors came from Lasta. Although there are no chronological indications in these traditions, it may be that they refer to the earliest Zagwe attempts to expand into the area. From a close look at the traditions of the church, it is also apparent that the earliest Christian breakthrough into the region between the upper Tekeze and Lake Tana was made during the Zagwe period, to which, for instance, the foundation of the island monastery of Tana Qirqos seems to belong. We also have an important tradition of a larger Zagwe expedition into medieval Damot, south of the Shoan region. It is in this southerly direction, particularly in Shoa, that persistent allusions are made to the establishment of Zagwe political power. We have seen above that some isolated family genealogies indicate early Christian settlement in Shoa in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries. It seems that this southward movement was further enhanced by the reviving power of the Christian kingdom under the Zagwe monarchs. Traces of early Christian settlements in northern Shoa, extending as far south as the river Muger in the west and Kesem in the east, are numerous in the local Christian traditions about that period. The most significant of all these traditions is the story of the Egyptian monk, known in Ethiopia as Gebre-Menfas-Qeddus (' the servant of the Holy Ghost'). He is said to have come from his country during the reign of King Lalibela (early thirteenth century), and settled on the top of Ziqwala, a crater mountain which is located about thirty miles (approx. fifty km) south-east of Addis Ababa. His still unpublished hagiography clearly indicates that the area was at that time the common frontier of Christianity, Islam and paganism, and that Gebre-Menfas-Qeddus preached the gospel among the local inhabitants. The places where this Egyptian monk is believed to have preached probably constituted the southernmost area reached by the Christians in the early thirteenth century.
There seems to be no doubt that the territories of the Zagwe kingdom were more extensive than those of the immediately preceding period. Zagwe control of northern Ethiopia was very firm; the land between the upper Tekeze, the Bashilo and Lake Tana had been brought under Christian rule as part of Amharaland; and all the Christian communities as far south as the sources of the rivers Awash and Kesem paid homage to the Zagwe kings in Adefa. Moreover, what were essentially Agaw, but definitely non-Christian, territories of Simien, Dembya and Gojjam had also come under the Zagwe sphere of influence. What is more important is that the Zagwe kingdom had, by the middle of the thirteenth century, begun to share the benefits of the lucrative trade which was handled by predominantly Muslim merchants along the caravan routes running from the Gulf of Aden into the rich Ethiopian region.
...
It seems that, throughout the period of its existence, the Zagwe dynasty was overshadowed by the general belief that its power had been first acquired through an illegitimate act of usurpation. This belief
that the Zagwe monarchs were 'usurpers' is first echoed in an interesting reference in the hagiographical accounts about the reign of Patriarch Yohannes (1146-67). The patriarch received" a letter from an Ethiopian king requesting him to replace the aged metropolitan, Mika'el, with a younger Egyptian bishop. The patriarch declined the request on the grounds that a metropolitan could not be replaced while he was still alive. The hagiographer also adds that the old age of Metropolitan Mika'el was not the real reason for the Ethiopian request. The real reason was that the king ruling Christian Ethiopia at that time had acquired power through illegitimate means and the metropolitan had refused to recognize him.1 Since the letter of the Ethiopian king was also addressed to the Egyptian vizier 'All b. al-Sallar, who died in 1153, it must have been written sometime between 1146, the year of Yohannes's accession to the patriarchal seat, and 11)3. Conti Rossini has used this important incident for his dating of the Zagwe rise to power. This dating fits in very well with the local tradition, which reports that the Zagwe ruled for a total of 133 years before they were deposed in 1270, as well as with the short list of only seven monarchs who actually reigned during the whole period.2
Thus, there is convincing evidence that the Zagwe were at first believed to have 'usurped' power from an earlier, 'legitimate' dynasty. It may also be true that there was 'a strong resistance . . . at first offered to the new dynasty by the clergy under Abuna Mika'el', as Trimingham puts it.3 It is in fact apparent that some elements of such resistance were kept alive until the very end of Zagwe rule. The gradual identification of the ruling house of Christian Ethiopia with the family of King Solomon of Israel has been considered above. The evidence seems to be very strong that this identification was already well established in the early years of the tenth century, so that the dynasty deposed by the Zagwe in about 1150 was widely considered in Ethiopia to be a 'Solomonic' dynasty. Because of the close union between church and state embedded in the whole legend of the queen of Sheba, it can be assumed that the hard core of the resistance to the Zagwe dynasty came from the ecclesiastical hierarchy of the Ethiopian Church. Most probably, even after the Zagwe were well in the saddle of power, and despite their obviously genuine patronage of the Christian Church, anti-Zagwe feelings were kept alive in various parts of the country. There are in fact some isolated pieces of evidence to show that such anti-Zagwe political movements were harboured, particularly in the ancient monastic centres of Aksum and Debre Damo, of which the long history is closely related with the ancient kings of Askum. Whereas these important centres of the church had been specially favoured by the ancient rulers of Christian Ethiopia, the Zagwe monarchs seem to have rather neglected them, and they do not figure even in important land grants attributed to King Lalibela in northern Ethiopia. In fact, the Zagwe monarchs seem to have patronized the monastery of Debre Libanos of Shimezana in southern Eritrea, so much so that it tended to overshadow the ancient and originally more powerful communities of Aksum and Debre Damo. The founder of Debre Libanos, Abba Meta'i, became the patron saint of the Zagwe monarchs, and Lalibela's wife, Masqat Kebra, is believed to have specially promoted the building of the rock church dedicated to him at Adefa.1 In Shimezana extensive land-grants were made to his monastery and it clearly seems that, under a group of hand-picked Agaw monastic officials, Debre Libanos was given considerable ecclesiastical power in the region of northern Ethiopia. All this seems to have created much discontent and opposition among the older monastic communities. Perhaps these communities were in secret alliance with some local families who claimed direct or indirect descent from the ancient kings of Aksum. The most militant elements of such an anti-Zagwe alliance seem to have always fanned trouble and discontent wherever possible. The most important object of these people was to underscore the 'illegitimacy' of Agaw political power, and to 'restore' the old ruling family. It is ironic that this political movement seems to have been most active during the reign of Lalibela, also known as Gebre-Masqal, who was certainly the strongest and most glorious of the Zagwe kings. This is reflected from the story about the final Ethiopic edition of the legend of the queen of Sheba, which later became the book of the
Kebra-Nagast. We are told that the original version of the Kebra-Nagast was in Arabic, and that it was brought to Ethiopia by apparently Coptic clerics in 1225, in the reign of King Gebre-Masqal (Lalibela). The document immediately generated considerable interest, and there were probably some attempts to translate it into Ethiopic. However, it could not be translated because 'it came in the days of the Zagwe; and they did not translate it because it says that those who reign, not being Israelites, are transgressors of the Law'.1 The obvious implication of this is that the anti-Zagwe elements had gone to great lengths in obtaining a copy of this document, which the reigning monarchs considered subversive and the translation of which they probably forbade. And the protagonists of 'Solomonic' legitimacy at the time seem to have been local princely families and ecclesiastical officials in the region of Aksum. This becomes clear because it was the chief priest of Aksum and a pro-Solomonic local chief of Enderta, Ya'ibike-Igzi, who preserved the document until after the fall of the Zagwe, and who had it translated into Ge'ez in the second decade of the fourteenth century. But the individual who benefited most from the whole propaganda was Yekunno-Amlak, a young man who seems to have belonged to a chiefly family in Amhara." [3]
TradingSpoiler Alert, click show to read:
"It is most probable that, during the whole period until the middle of the thirteenth century, the Christian kingdom depended entirely on the caravan routes coming from the north, which followed two major branches. The first of these was the long and arduous route which left northern Ethiopia, passed through the Beja country to 'Aydhab and joined the main pilgrim road, which ran to Qus on the Nile. This route is attested by a number of Arabic and local sources, and it was mainly used by royal envoys to Egypt and by Ethiopian pilgrims going to the Holy Land. The second major road came from the mainland opposite the Dahlak islands and constituted the most vital line of communication which Christian Ethiopia had with the surrounding Muslim world. Dahlak had become Muslim in the beginning of the eighth century, and it was an important outpost of the Muslim empire, and one used by both Umayyad and 'Abbasid rulers as a place of exile for delinquent officials. But, at the beginning of the tenth century, Dahlak seems to have rebelled against 'Abbasid rule, and al-Ya'qubi later describes it as 'the island of the nejashi', a title which he gave to the Christian ruler of Ethiopia.1 It is impossible to define in precise terms what actually the relations were between Dahlak and its Christian Ethiopian overlord. Other historical references from the tenth to the middle of the twelfth centuries indicate, however, that there were special relations between the Dahlak islands and the turbulent kingdom of the Yemen on the other
side of the Red Sea.
The Yemen had declared its independence from the 'Abbasid caliphate under a new local dynasty founded by a certain Muhammad b. Ziyad (818-59), who was originally sent by Caliph al-Ma'mun(813-33) to rule the region on his behalf. Ziyad built the city of Zebid, where he made his capital, and he was at first able to rule over both the highland and the coastal (Tihama) districts of south Arabia, including Hadhramaut and Aden. Already in his own lifetime, however, the mountainous districts, of which Sana was the most important centre, had slipped out of his control, and endless conflicts took place between his descendants and the many successive dynasties which emerged in highland Yemen. But, for our own purposes, it will suffice to focus attention on the rulers of Zebid, whose influence, except for some brief periods, was limited to the Tihama on the coast including Aden. It is apparent that, ever since its emergence, the Ziyad dynasty had established special relations with Dahlak. Al-Ya'qubi gives Dahlak as the only port on the Ethiopian coast of the Red Sea, and most of the Arab merchants he mentions in the area probably came from the Yemeni kingdom. Later, al-Mas'udi tells us that there were special arrangements between the Ziyadid rulers of the Yemen and the Habasha, and that Dahlak was regularly visited by Yemeni boats carrying merchants and rich merchandise.1 Ibn Hawqal is more precise about the relations between Dahlak and the Ziyadid princes, who received 'from the ruler of the Dahlak islands presents consisting of black slaves, amber, panther skins of the best quality, and other objects'.* For the same period of the tenth century, a local Yemeni historian, Umara (d. 1174), reports that the Ziyadid princes collected 'a tribute imposed upon the ruler of the city of Dahlak, comprising, among others, 1000 head of slaves whereof 500 were Abyssinian and Nubian female slaves'.3
It is not certain if one can deduce from these notes a direct Yemeni hegemony over the Dahlak islands. Except for the Yemeni historian Umara, who says that the tributes were 'imposed', al-Mas'udi only mentions the existence of special 'treaty relationships' between the two countries, and Ibn Hawqal states simply that Dahlak sent its presents to Zebid 'on the basis of an [old] custom'. It is apparent that the attitude of Dahlak was one of deference to the much richer and stronger kingdom of the Ziyadids, which it furnished with a regular supply of the highly priced Habasha slaves. It seems very clear that it was the considerable volume of the slave trade which tended to give an impression of a particularly close relationship between the two countries. This becomes very clear in the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, when the Habasha slaves disposed of their Ziyadid masters and established their own dynasty at Zebid for a very uneasy period of over a century.* The Habasha rulers of Zebid fought endless wars among themselves and against other Arab princes, who sometimes defeated and expelled them from the Tihama. On such occasions, they retreated to the Dahlak islands, which they used as a strong base against their Arab rivals. Large numbers of Ethiopian slaves were exported through Dahlak to the Yemen. This was reflected in the generally dark complexion of the Tihama population, as Umara commented in the twelfth century:
'The Arabs of Tihama beget children by black concubines, and . . . a black skin was common to both slave and free.'1
Although it is often impossible to tell the exact area of origin of these slaves, some are explicitly said to have been taken from as far inland as the leading Christian provinces of Tigre and Amhara. Some of these later assumed considerable importance as religious and political leaders in the Yemeni kingdom. This regular traffic between the Ethiopian and Yemeni coasts always made the relationship between the two very close.
The uneasy and interrupted Habasha slave dynasty of Zebid came to an end in 1131 when the last Habasha ruler died. A major factor in the downfall of this dynasty was the increasing Egyptian presence in the Red Sea, which was to be dominated by the successive Fatimid and Ayyubid rulers of Egypt until the middle of the thirteenth century. Highland Yemen had always been the home of dissidents, and it was particularly infested with 'Alids. The governors sent from Baghdad by the caliphs never succeeded in establishing orthodoxy there, and when the Fatimid dynasty established itself in Egypt, the particularly 'Alid sympathies of the region tended to favour Egyptian hegemony. The meticulous organization of the Fatimid propaganda machine further enhanced this development. The most serious and open declaration in favour of Fatimid rule over the Yemen came from 'AH b. Muhammad Sulaihi, who had created a dynasty of his own in highland Yemen in the 1030s. Sulaihi and his successors entered into a protracted conflict with the Habasha slave dynasty, a conflict which lasted until the advent of the Ayyubids,. who effectively brought to an end both the pro-Fatimid Sulaihi dynasty and the last elements of the Habasha rulers of Zebid. It is apparent that, throughout the period of increasing Fatimid influence in the Red Sea, the inhabitants of Dahlak followed a careful policy of non-alignment. There is no doubt that they gave shelter to the Habasha princes of Zebid, who were fighting against the pro-Fatimid Sulaihi. They continued to do this right down to the end of the Fatimid period, even though some of the Habasha princes sometimes misused their hospitality and were 'practising treachery against the Prince of Dahlak'.2 At the same time Dahlak also showed enough deference to the Fatimid rulers of Egypt, about which there are some specific references. In the reign of Caliph al-Mustansir (1035-94), we have a report that the ruler of Dahlak deported to Egypt a Coptic monk, Abdun, who had created a serious misunderstanding between the caliph and the Patriarch Cyril (1077-92). Abdun was first relieved of all his valuable belongings and then deported to Cairo, where he was executed in 1086. Some thirty years later, in 1119/20, Dahlak even entertained important Fatimid envoys sent from Cairo to Yemen on official business. This cautious policy always characterized the attitude of the rulers of Dahlak, and it seems to have precluded direct Egyptian hostilities against the islands throughout the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk periods.
The large number of Arabic inscriptions collected on the Dahlak islands indicates that their Muslim inhabitants Jed a rich cultural life, and that they were organized into an effective sultanate, which had its most glorious period between the eleventh and the middle of the thirteenth centuries. This was precisely the period during which the Dahlak islands were perhaps the only commercial outlet for the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia, which always constituted their most vital hinterland. There are no contemporary historical references which help us to determine the full extent of the commercial activities going on between the Dahlak islands and the interior of northern Ethiopia. The most important items of trade, which are profusely attested to in the sources, are the Nubian and Habasha slaves for which Dahlak was a major entrepot. Ibn Hawqal mentions the importance of hides and skins in the trade of the area with the Yemen.1 Perhaps some foodstuffs consisting of fruit, grain and cattle were also supplied to the Yemeni ports. But there is no doubt that the vitality which the sultanate of Dahlak had until the middle of the thirteenth century depended to a very large extent on its monopoly of all the external trade of the Ethiopian interior. When, in the second half of the thirteenth century, the centre of the Christian kingdom began to shift further south, where more prosperous Muslim sultanates had emerged in the hinterland of Zeila, the Dahlak islands drifted to a sudden and increasing insignificance.
Throughout the long period since the early eighth century, the Dahlak islands do not seem to have been of much importance for the propagation of Islam in the Ethiopian interior. The Christian Church in northern Ethiopia was very well established, and it made the preaching of Islam a difficult, if not an impossible, task. Muslim merchants were no doubt tolerated, and they probably moved about freely throughout the Christian kingdom on commercial affairs. They were also apparently allowed to establish communities of their own along the major trade-routes and in some vital centres of commerce. There are traces of such communities, for instance, near Qiha, in Enderta, where ruins and Arabic inscriptions have been found.1 Of the sixteen inscriptions from the Qiha region which have been studied, ten bear specific dates which range between the beginning of the eleventh and the middle of the twelfth centuries. This was precisely the period in which, as has been seen above, contacts with the Yemen were close and regular, and it is particularly interesting to note that many of the persons named in the inscriptions seem to have had Yemeni origins. But, unlike the areas further south in Shoa, Ifat, Dawaro and Bali, the existence of such early Muslim communities did not result in the formation of later Muslim political units. This was certainly because of the strength of the Christian Church in northern Ethiopia. In fact, it seems very clear that the presence of Muslims in the area was tolerated only because of their vital role as long distance merchants, and they were actively persecuted whenever they attempted to proselytize. In comparison to its great importance as the only commercial outlet of the Christian interior for many centuries, the role of Dahlak in the expansion of Islam was minimal indeed. And, in about the middle of the thirteenth century, when the Zagwe kingdom began to use the caravan routes from Zeila through its southern provinces of Amhara and Shoa, Dahlak lost even the old commercial monopoly it had long had over the interior of northern Ethiopia.
The earliest documentary evidence we have for the direct use of the Zeila routes during the Zagwe period comes from the library of the island monastery in Lake Hayq. In a late-fifteenth-century manuscript there is a colophon which relates the emigration of a wealthy Jew called Yosef from Aden 'during the reign of the Zagwe (kings)'. Yosef settled in Amhara, and his descendants of the ninth generation presented the manuscript to the monastery of Hayq towards the beginning of the sixteenth century.2 This takes us back to the second half of the thirteenth century, when Yosef came from Aden, most probably via Zeila. From that period onwards the Zeila route was certainly the most important channel of communication for Christian Ethiopia, of which the centre had moved further south to Amhara and Shoa under the new 'Solomonic' dynasty which emerged in 1270." [3]
ArchitectureSpoiler Alert, click show to read:
"All of these churches have traditionally been attributed to the greatest Zagwe king, Lalibela, and the site has later been called after him. Although we do not know the dates of the beginning and the end of his reign, it is certain that Lalibela was on the throne in 1205 and 1225. A hagiographical tradition about his life reports that, before he acceded to the throne, Lalibela was miraculously flown to Jerusalem, where Christ appeared to him and guided him in his tour of the Holy City. At the same time, the Saviour intimated to the Zagwe prince that he would soon reign over his people, and instructed him to build a second Jerusalem in Ethiopia. On his return to Ethiopia, Lalibela became king, and tried to carry out his divine instructions with the help of the 'Angels of God', who served him as masons and ordinary labourers. Whatever the circumstances under which they were built, we now have a set of eleven subterranean churches artistically carved out of the living rock at the site of Lalibela. Ten of the churches are built in two groups, consisting of six and four churches, respectively. A small stream runs between the two hills under which these two groups of churches were built, and it has been named Yordanos, after the river Jordan in the Holy Land. The eleventh church is built as a separate unit on its own. The deliberate attempt by the builders of these churches to emulate the Holy City of Jerusalem is very clear from the names given to some of the major sites and churches. At one end of the first group of churches is a high spot called 'Calvary', under which the 'tomb of Adam' is said to be located. Directly below this spot, beautifully chiselled out of the rock, is the church of' Golgotha', in which there is a crypt at one of the corners representing the 'tomb of Christ'. The Zagwe king had reproduced a second Jerusalem in the highlands of Ethiopia, and traditional celebrations were held annually on these sites re-enacting the baptism,, the passion and crucifixion of Christ.
Rock churches in Roha
Regarding the architects and builders of these churches, various theories have been offered, most of them favouring non-Ethiopian workmanship. The traditions referred to above about the presence of foreign Christians in Ethiopia at the time have tended to be used as confirmation of this conclusion. It must be remembered, however, that the architectural forms and artistic details of all these churches are
based on those which are seen on the Aksumite steles, and on the palaces and churches which have been dug out in the Aksumite region. The architectural continuity between the Aksumite and the Zagwe
monuments is so close and obvious that only architects deeply imbued with the building traditions of Aksum could have engineered the rock churches of the Zagwe period. A major factor which encouraged the conclusion that non-Ethiopians were responsible for the Lalibela churches was the fact that, until very recently, little or nothing was known about other rock-hewn churches in the area between Aksum
and Lalibela. Now, however, literally hundreds of such churches, tucked into inaccessible cliffs and mountain tops, have been discovered throughout central Tigre.1 Since 1966 attention has been focused on these rock-hewn churches of Tigre, and, although the chronology of these monuments is not yet well defined, it appears that the monolithic churches of the Zagwe period may have been the last phase of a long architectural tradition in Christian Ethiopia itself." [3]
Terms and other wordsSpoiler Alert, click show to read:
Hadani, Neguse - king, titles which have Lalibela in the documents of donation of land to monasteries
Ba'altehat - queen
Zawd Econa ("Betrothed to the Crown") - heir
Abetahun or Le'ul - prince, who has the right to the throne
Woizero, Le'ult - princess
Shum - governor of province
La'eka - diplomat, messenger
Abuna - Metropolitan, head of Ethiopian Church
Memire - priest
Azmatch - general
Alaqa - commander
Shifta - rebel, pretender to the throne
ArmySpoiler Alert, click show to read:
Unfortunately, written sources of times of Zagwe Dynasty, where we might find a description of the army in this times, did not survive. Later Ethiopian narrative sources write a lot about wars and battles, but don't give a detailed description of weapons and tactics. The reports of Arab authors are unreliable, they often confuse Ethiopians with Zinjs and report various fantastic details (as well as Marco Polo).
Here is a resume I made for myself
The country is ruled by a King who is an unconditional lord in his dominion. His power is maintained with the help of his guard. All the warriors of his guard live in his residence and eat from his desk. The King gives them weapons, clothing, gifts and insignia.
In other provinces of the kingdom govern the rulers of the local aristocracy, which have the traditional titles and regalia. They are sovereign in their own territory, but they recognize the formal power of the King and pay him tribute. Each of them has the same guard that live in his residence and eat from his desk. If the local ruler ceases to pay tribute, then the King commits a punitive expedition against him.
Kings want to increase the number of tributaries and make campaigns against numerous independent princedoms.
The number of controlled territories growing, there is a need to increase the size of Kings' army. At this time appears a new type of troops. The King gives the land allotment (ryst) to the collective ownership for the whole regiment in the newly conquered territory. This land allotment is handled by the forces of families of these warriors. These warriors have the same weapons as the King's personal guard, but they have less time for training, since they should also give time to agriculture in peacetime. The king appoints a commander for each such regiment from among his guardians. In this way the King receives additional troops and additional control over the country.
Weapons of Ethiopian warriors:
Javelins and spears of different types - this is the main weapon for the Ethiopian Highlands and neighboring regions
Swords - rare and expensive weapons for military chiefs and elected warriors
Bows of different types - I can not say anything definite about this weapon for Zagwe, but I can say that Ethiopian kings studied archery since childhood
Clubs of various types - used by many tribes, but I don't remember that the 'successors of Axum' also used it (perhaps they considered it as the weapon of 'barbarians')
Shield walata - round, about 0.9 meters in diameter, conical, made of thick bovine leather (less often of another animal) on a wooden base, can be reinforced with metal plates, has one handle for the palm
Shield gasha - round, diameter up to 1.5 meters, made of thick bovine leather (less often of another animal) on a wooden base, can be reinforced with metal plates, has one handle for the palm
Lemd/Lamd - warrior's cape from the wool of a ram or other animal
Gesilla - warrior's cape of the King, nobles and commanders from the skin of a leopard, lion or from expensive cloth stylized of animal skin.
The King, nobles and elected guardians fight on horseback, all other warriors on foot.
The look of ordinary warrior
- bare torso on top of which is a lemd (I saw two ways of wearing - straight and sideways)
- shamma (type of toga, which only a free person has the right to wear, not a slave) wrapped around waistband or taken off
- short trousers
- barefooted
The look of noble warrior
- lemd over a shirt or other outer garment (theoretically there could be a chain mail)
- shamma taken off
- short trousers
- barefooted
Arming of footman
- spear, javelins, bow, arrows, sword (sheath one the rign side), dagger
- shiled (gasha or walata)
Arming of horseman
- 2-3 javelins (1 in the right hand and other in the left hand which holds the reins)
- shiled walata (holds on the elbow of his left hand which holds the reins)
- sword (sheath on the right side) or dagger
- Ethiopian stirrup is a loop in which the horseman inserts his big toe
The horsemen fights only at a distance and engages in close combat only against a deliberately weak or fleeing enemy.
Insignia and rewards:
- braided hair (any warrior who killed another warrior can wear this hairstyle one year)
- colored ribbon to tie around the head
- cervical torc (including from precious metal)
- hand bracelets (including from precious metal)
- earrings from precious metal
- gesilla
- arms decorated with precious metals
- patterned plates from precious metal for the shield
Features of the war in the Ethiopian Highlands
- The mounted army has no advantage in the march before the foot because of the complex terrain. The horseman cann't always ride, he will need to constantly dismount to move the horse through dangerous places. In Ethiopia says that on a long road the pedestrian will always outrun the equestrian
- Ethiopian warriors are often accompanied by wives and even children (the last prepare food, carry camping equipment, catch and watch the prisoners etc). This slows the speed of the march.
- In Ethiopia a lot of mesas (table hill) - amba. These natural fortresses are a favorite place for settlements, and monasteries. Amba can be strengthened by a rampart, palisade and masonry. Round boulders are mounted on the edges against the assault. The most popular tactic against the amba is the food blockade.
- In season of rains, any movement in the country ceases, as all the mountain streams and rivers turn into dangerous impassable streams.
- Recruiter ability of any war chief depends on the military glory, generosity and popularity in general. Warriors abandon the unfortunate and stingy commander and on the contrary seek to serve for the glorious and lavish.
Some descriptions of Ethiopian warriors from colonial times.
Cavalry
"Cavalry troops consists of the following volunteer for the army troopers. It's irregular and not divisible by tactical units. In addition, fighting on horseback all the chiefs and those of the warriors of field troops, who have a horse. Cavalryman - Farasenye - armed with several light spears, sword and shield. Horses of the local breed. Ride all based on equilibrium. All control - external cause, and knees. Clothing of cavalryman does not differ from the other warriors.
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Battle of the cavalry is a battle of single riders, who chose a convenient place for racing, at full career soaring to his enemy and tossed it with a spear. In case of infantry's confusion or it flight they are mixed with it. Fighting of cavalry against cavalry consists of a number of mounted single combat and takes place in one location. The horsemen are soaring to the enemy, throw a spear at him, then abruptly turned back and run away. For the attackers throw a few cavalrymans in pursuit, but the proceeds are already flying new on the other side, and thus fight continues, while some, feeling the moral and numerical superiority of the enemy, forced to flee, and then others pursue them.
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Amazingly their ability to master the spear, especially cavalry. Cavalrymans throw it at full tilt at 150-300 steps." [8]
"...At this time the cavalry all five groups gathered in one place, on the right flank of Abyssinian troops and rushed helter-skelter on the artillery of Abdul-Agha. In the few minutes they reached the guns and started throwing their javelins, which pierced through Hararian gunners. Simultaneously with the attack on the battery, the lava of infantry, to encourage a militaristic cliques "Aygume!, Aygume!", line by line ran to the enemy..."
"In one of battles Aba-Ilma - then still a young man - was injured by a spear, after, raids on the enemy, he threw a spear, but missed, and turned his horse back to gallop away. Spear got his neck slightly to the left vertebral column, passed the mouth, tongue pierced and struck out three upper front teeth ... Aba-Ilma fell from his horse, but not lost: a quick movement he pulled out the spear wound, and when his opponent, dismounted and planned to kill him, Aba-Ilma fire him by pistol and laid him on the spot. Comrade of the dead man mounted hastened to the rescue. Ilma hiding, and as soon as the enemy approached, struck him a heavy sword wound in the leg..."
Infantry
"Jubayr ibn Mut'im summoned the Ethiopian slave on behalf of the Wahshy, which so aptly threw a spear by Ethiopian manner, which is very rarely wrong, and said to him: "Go with people: if you kill Hamza, uncle of Muhammad for my uncle Tuyama ibn Ady, you'll be free.
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Slave of Jubayr ibn Mut'im named Wahshy says: "I can see how Hamza kills people with his sword, leaving nothing like a camel to gray in color. Then I beat by Ciba. Hamza told him: "Come to me, son of the cutoff clits!" Hamza struck him and just got into my head. I swung my spear, aim, and when the aim, and threw my spear. It hit him in the stomach and came out between his legs. He went with me, was struck and fell. I waited to die. Then he walked up to him, took his spear and returned to camp. Besides him, I did no longer needed." [12]
Warrior Spirit
"Spirit of the Abyssinian army terribly high, and each individual warrior to understand its purpose - to kill his opponent. They do not make yourself at this point no illusions and do not consider it necessary to drape this fact one way or another. He knows that war is murder, and was happy to go to him. Moreover, the war for the Abyssinian is a pleasant pastime, a source of income, a means to satisfy an ambition to show his prowess and get certain awards.
...
The killing raised to the cult. Everyone is killed by them in war and for each dead have the right to plait her hair in the course of their year. Upon return of the hero meet with songs and dances, and accompanied by his friends, he goes to his chief, where the pathos tells of the victory.
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Running weaker is not considered a disgrace, but prudence. The attack initially scared energetic, but, repulsed, she rarely repeats itself. No cases of heroic self-sacrifice of entire units, as far as I know, not in their military history. They love to fight and go at it with joy. They are brave, and although hot, but smart in battle and are able to use the terrain and circumstances. Their youngest chiefs and most of the warriors understand the situation. In addition, this army terribly hardy, content with a very small amount of food, excellent transports cold, heat and huge transitions. But it requires good leaders. Head, not credible and respected subordinates, can not lead them into battle. Otherwise, the warriors in his extremely loyal, even to the detriment of the general idea. In combat, each warrior fights not for the general idea, but for themselves and their immediate superior, and repeats only the battle cry of the last". [8]
"In combat, the Abyssinians took an entire recitatives, which they cry hoarse, shrill voice, foaming at the mouth: "Koretcha Farda! Aba Sanchayo! Enye Zaraf! Enye Geday! Anchi man nesh? Ene Yaaba Danya ashker! Znye Gabro Mariam! "In translation it would be:" A horse of a hero! Murderer! I am a robber! I killer! Who are you? I am a servant of Aba Danya! I Gabro Mariam (his, let's own name)". [8]
War tradition
1. Games
"In the month of September during the holidays Mesqel, Holy Cross of the Lord, all who have a horse plays guks. The horses are ready for these big games, and on the Feast all go to the plain. The game is an imitation of an actual cavalry single battle. Divided by themselves in two parts, some brave souls knotted battle. They are flying full speed at someone from the opposing party, and did not reach a hundred steps, turns sharply and go away. Evoked and other persecuted caused and throw a javelin at them without the tip, which they parry by shield, and some hustlers by javelin. Engaged fighting is common: the clouds of flying javelins, and sometimes dry sound of a blow on the shield and weight of horsemen, full gallop galloping forward and back. Between the horses running servants of the horsemen and to choose their javelins. Rarely what game do without accidents, and sometimes ends in death, because in addition to falling javelin force, though without the tip, so great is that penetrates a shield, and I know the case when one Abyssinian fractured arm, and javelin pierced through the shield. Incidentally, Gallas (old Ethiopian name for Oromo), having taken over, this game from the Abyssinians, dragged her even more than the first.
At Easter again guks and so-called gizhi. Pose subtle pole, and men throw javelins to it from 50 steps. When someone gets three times, all the rest fall to the ground and champion passes on them.
In August, after the rains play a giraffe - a long whip. All armed with a long strap, divided into two parties and try to get rid of one another. Eventually the weaker goes. Here, too, without injury does not do". [8]
2. Description of neighboring peoples and tribes
Afar
"Led by the caravans, to wander in the desert, searching for prey, not knowing what, whether it's a leopard sneaking behind an antelope, a herd of goats Dig-Dig, a bunch of mimosa for fuel, or, finally, a lonely traveler - this is Afar's craft.
During his belt sticking large curved knife in his hand a light spear with a flat tip, which he struck for 60 yards, and so he goes, by small gangs from the oasis to oasis, making his way to dreary desert sand". [7]
"We must reckon with the Afar bandits. Complete Afar tribes, up to 2,000 people, sometimes rising to the robbery in the desert. From a distance, their sharp-eyed scouts watching the bivouac - they spy out when a soldier, tired, worn out by march, leaning on his rifle, think about a distant homeland and the dream he closed his eyes, when the Abyssinian guard, spread out its shamma, lay himself down between the rocks, the stars will go out, but Dawn had not yet shine - then Afars stripped down, naked, having merged with the black stones and dark sand, with spears in their hands and daggers in their teeth, they rush from all sides at the camp, like snakes glide between the rocks and cut the carotid travelers cut guard cut caravan drovers. When they finished off all of them, they rush to the baggage and share the booty". [7]
"Spear and curved knife - a weapon to attack, round shield - the weapon of protection. With spear and shield Afar goes on a lion, with his spear struck a leopard, with a spear hits jackal and hyenas". [7]
"At the head of the second expedition, numbering about 500 soldiers, and which mowed from Tajura, became Werner Muzinger, received the title of Pasha. It went to Central Ethiopia, and its route lay through the desolate area on the border with Danakil desert and through the hard land of the Aus country populated by hostile people to him. It seemed that the expedition could expect to succeed, as Muzinger knew the country, which is opposed, and even knew some Ethiopian languages. In addition, he was accompanied by several Ethiopian military leaders who not recognize the power of Yohannys IV.
The expedition successfully overcome most of the way and entered the country Aus in early November 1875 in the vicinity of the lake Asel was laid camp. At night, when the camp was asleep, it was surrounded by one of Danakil tribes. Several warriors made their way into the tent where slept Muzinger, pounced on him and after a brief struggle killed. Despite fierce resistance, the Egyptian soldiers were completely cut. Of the entire expedition survived nearly 20 people." [1]
"...but at the end of 1886 Danakil leader Debeb, who could not find the object for robbery, attacked Zeila on 1th September, and Uya on 11th September, and both times had been repulsed." [11]
"The hostilities have not ceased. August 7, 1888 Captain Karnacсio moved with 400 bashi-bazouks to punish Debeb for treason; Debeb was at Saganetti. Captain Karnaccio walked slowly, it is hoped that over Debeb will prevail. But he had the imprudence to open the campaign goal of several officers, then the news spread throughout the detachment, a there has also reached Debeb. The latter prepared, waited at Saganetti and enabled the Captain Karnaccio delve into the country, then cut off his escape route and then attacked. All the Italian officers and 210 other people were killed, and many appeared wounded. So once again the Italian troops were defeated." [11]
Oromo
"A fourth luba called Bifole, and they have ruined everything Dewaro and began to fight Fetegar and began to drive away people to slaves and call them the "gabar". And they began to drink Kosso. The former luba, on which we have mentioned, killing people, husbands and wives, and killed the horses and mules, and did not leave nobody but sheep, and goats, and cows.
...
A fifth luba called Mesle.
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They fought our king Asnaf Sagad (Gelawdewos/Claudius Asnaf Sagad I, 1540-1559) ...
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And these Mesle started to ride on horses and mules, which was not up to them, that they talked about old luba: "Those who walked on two or three feet, we are forced to walk on four legs." And they talked about three feet because they relied on their spears, when tired of the road."
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And those who are older and start to fight, they call Gorbae. And the boys: the uninitiated call Kondalya, and when they do her hair, as the warriors called Kalyalya. And those who killed a man, elephant, lion, rhino or buffalo, shaved head except for a small bundle of hair on top. A who not killed, not shave. And married people do not shave, if not killed. And during the [luba] Mul'ata they ate buffalo and said: "If we eat it, it [for us] as a cow, and we are not going to shave his head, though, and killed him." And half of them say the word arrogant: "we are not going to shave our heads if we kill people of Shoa and Amhara, because they - speaking of cows and can not fight."
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And they choose among themselves two and appoint them to be punished and beat those who go to women, and call them Gorsa. And this restraint they have not from righteousness, and to ensure that they were cheerful and ready for battle.
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And the old men called Melgudo, and they do not cease to fight, if not weak at all..." [13]
"They came on foot and had no weapon better than a wooden spear. Only in the 1550s did they acquire horses, presumably from the Somali, and iron spears." [14]
"Oromo - a poet, he loves nature, loves its mountains and rivers, believing them to animate beings. He is a passionate hunter".
"Oromo quite combative people. They are very brave, and killing for them, like other peoples, built in the cult. Even very recently there were some tribes of Oromo, where the young man had no right to marry, up until not kill an elephant, a lion or a human. Killing any of them, Oromo rubbed his head with oil, putting on bracelets, rings, earring in his ear. Oromo have an instinctive attraction to blood, and this attraction does Oromo terrible until the danger becomes apparent to him.
Weapons of Oromo consists of throwing spears different forms in different clans, a knife in his belt and a large shield. Ambush, night attack, a single battle - this is a favorite tactic of Oromo.
As mounted and foot, he beat for his own personal goal - to kill and get a trophy. Running is not considered a disgrace. Oromo not have the idea of blood, and kinship all Oromo among themselves. All mounted Oromo - great horsemen, their horses are unimpressive, small, but tough and fast. In battle, they very rarely converge with the enemy, and riding up to him in full career and threw a spear, turns sharply back and run away.
Ambition and a sense of honor of Oromo are very far. Oromo keen to kill someone in war or hunting, to have the right to anoint his head with oil, and with songs to return home".
Sources
[1] A. Bartnicki, J. Mantel-Niecko. History of Ethiopia, 1976
[2] Donald Crummey. Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia: From the Thirteenth to the Twentieth Century, 2000
[3] The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 3., 2008
[4] Dolganev E.E. Country of Ethiopians, 1896
[5] Artamonov L.K. Across Ethiopia to the coast of White Nile, 1898
[6] Krindach F. Russian cavalryman in Abyssinia, 1896
[7] Krasnov P.N. Cossacks in Abyssinia, 1898
[8] Bulatovich A.K. From Entoto to Baro River, 1896
[9] Bulatovich A.K. From Abyssinia to Rudolf Lake, 1897
[10] Bulatovich A.K. With army of Menelik II, 1898
[11] Orlov N.A. Italians in Abyssinia, 1896
[12] Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Malik bin Hisham. Biography of Muhammad, VIII cent.
[13] Bahrey. History of the Galla, 1595
[14] Donald Nathan Levine. Greater Ethiopia: the evolution of a multiethnic society, 1974
[15] Chernetzov S.B. Ethiopian Feudal Monarchy in XIII-XVI cent., 1982
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Originally Posted by LinusLinothorax
In other Ethiopian chronicles the word "shield-bearers" is a synonym "footmen", and 'The story of the king Sarsa Dengel' mentions shield-bearers who throw spears (i.e. javelins) and shield-bearers without spears.
