This thread will discuss Aleksander Dugin's 1997 Foundations of Geopolitics: The Geo-political Future of Russia (Основы геополитики: геополитическое будущее России; Osnovy geopolitiki: Geopoliticheskoe budushchee Rossii), its influence on current events, contemporary Russian foreign policy, and Russia's ultimate global aspirations. It was co-authored by General Nikolai Klokotov of the General Staff Academy in the Russian military, and is generally seen as a useful text in educating those seeking a commanding role in Russia's military or in the Russian Ministry of Defense.
Dugin is also the author The Fourth Political Theory (2009), in which he espouses a fourth political theory to supplant and supersede the first (liberalism/liberal democracy), the second (Leftist Marxism/Communism), and third (Right-wing Fascism) major political theories of the modern age. However, for sake of time and clarity, this thread will focus on his geopolitical ideas in regards to Russian and global current events, not so much his more nuanced political theory. Online sources will be listed below for the convenience of those who want to read beyond the premise and details presented in this thread.
Preliminary discussion
In Russian society and politics, Aleksandr Dugin is still something of a gadfly without much if any concrete political clout. This despite being a former advisor to two different Chairmen of the State Duma, Gennadiy Seleznyov and Sergey Naryshkin, a respected author, academic, contemporary philosopher, political scientist, and more importantly the founder of the Eurasia Party. In addition to his own party, Dugin was one of the original organizers of the National Bolshevik Party (now banned) and National Bolshevik Front under its founder and current leader Eduard Limonov. Limonov, who was once sentenced to four years imprisonment for illegal arms purchasing alongside dropped charges of planning to invade Kazakhstan with a small private army (LOL), was for a long time a leading member of a coalition opposing Vladimir Putin and his United Russia party, yet the invasion of Ukraine in 2014 has made Limonov change his tune. He's now a solid supporter of Putin! And despite Bolshevism being decidedly leftist by virtue of its Marxist-based ideology, National Bolshevism happily attaches itself to Russia's right-wing movement thanks to their shared interests and nationalist values. These become all the more acute when viewed through the lens of all those who lament the fall of the Soviet Union and with it the decline of Russia's geopolitical power and destiny on the world stage.
Which brings us back to Dugin (and more broadly the Eurasian movement founded by Lev Gumilyov decades ago). In 2014, shortly after the outburst of Euromaidan, Russian annexation of Crimea, and initial separatist conflict in Ukraine, Dugin lost his position as Head of the Department of Sociology of International Relations of Moscow State University, because he openly advocated for the killing of Ukrainians...all of them. Much like the (now deceased, Cold-War-era) Belgian neo-fascist and former Nazi Jean-François Thiriart, Dugin also has aspirations for Russia as a dominant leader within a proposed pan-European political union, albeit with some drastically different goals and wider, more global outlook for Russia's ambitions. Yet it's hard to pigeonhole Dugin into one specific category, especially with his litigated dust-ups and heated disagreements with natural allies like Sergey Kurginyan, founder of the Essence of Time movement that mixes elements of Marxist communism with Russian patriotism. Unlike Kurginyan, however, Dugin's contributions to Russian geopolitical thought will arguably outlive him, and as we shall see in a moment, have arguably already profoundly impacted Russia's foreign policy during Vladimir Putin's tenure as president (and briefly as prime minister).
Dugin's grand geopolitical strategy
Russia's recent involvement in conflicts stretching from Georgia to Ukraine might seem like circumstantial and spur of the moment decisions, but are they part of a calculated geopolitical strategy? At the core of Dugin's political philosophy is the belief that empires of land and sea, i.e. Eurasianist versus Atlanticist empires, are bound to clash and form natural rivals, a clear allegory for the relationship between landlocked Russia and the maritime powers of the United States of America (and now to a lesser extent Great Britain, cleaved of most of its former overseas empire). In this Dugin certainly subscribes to Huntington's multipolar world view of civilizations, which perhaps fuels in part his glaring distrust for Russia's greatest rival, the US and by association the Russian "fifth column", which he views as a disruptive tool utilized by the American intelligence agencies working overseas. He also seemingly incorporates some ideas of Francis Fukuyama, if only to explain the US hegemonic model for promoting political and economic liberalism in traditionalist civilizations like Russia and the Islamic world (which he views as a potential ally, if headed by Iran as a sort of regional overlord).
Although he has recently spoken words of praise for the Trump White House and the seemingly shared "anti-globalist" interests of Putin and Trump, the linchpin of Dugin's geopolitical theory is nevertheless the formation of political axes that exclude the United States. In fact, one of these alliances involves Iran, an alleged member of George W. Bush's neo-conservative-branded "Axis of Evil" announced in the run-up to the Iraq War. Yet the proposed "Moscow-Tehran Axis" is but one moving part to a larger puzzle presented by Dugin for redefining Russia's role in the world at the expense of the liberal, globalist order led by the United States during and after the Cold War. Obviously he was no fan of America's recent imperial project in the Middle East (Iraq) and South Asia (i.e. Afghanistan) under Bush and Obama. His preferred style of Russian imperialism doesn't involve the brute force and preemptive-strike tactics of the Bush Doctrine; rather, it involves a labyrinthine diplomatic approach seeking to cajole or threaten certain countries and entire international bodies into cooperating or simply bowing to Russian expansionism, in some cases without firing a single shot.
A region-by-region explanation of Dugin's strategy
Europe: it should come as no surprise that Dugin views at least some of the former Soviet republics as belonging to Russia. Although his book states that Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland should be given a special status in his proposed Eurasian union (coincidentally the name of a now real international project established by Putin to mirror the EU), Dugin believes that Belarus, Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine should return to the Russian fold entirely, and Finland should be absorbed completely before division into Russian oblasts. On the other hand, Estonia, along with Kaliningrad, should be given to Germany as a compensation and as a goodwill gesture in the formation of a Moscow-Berlin Axis. For Dugin, France is seen as a traditional partner with Germany in opposing the "Atlanticism" of the US and UK, so the proposed Axis could theoretically include Paris as well (Putin's courting of Marine Le Pen comes to mind). He sees no worthwhile alliance to be had with the UK, America's strongest ally, although he stresses that Great Britain should be cut off and excluded from continental Europe by any means necessary. Romania, Macedonia, "Serbian Bosnia" and Greece on the other hand are to be viewed as traditionalist Orthodox allies of Russia who can be relied upon in opposing the Western-imposed order. In fact, Dugin believes that Russia's Eurasian project should extend into Bulgaria and Serbia.
East Asia: Dugin stresses that Russia and Japan should unite as a single bloc to oppose the rise of China as well as the Pacific interventionism of the United States. To persuade Japan to join Russia's side by appealing to Japanese nationalism with the return of the Kuril Islands to Japanese sovereign control. To safeguard Russia's Central Asian backyard in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyztan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, Dugin proposes the dismantling of China's territorial integrity by cleaving from it Manchuria, Tibet, and Xinjiang, in addition to securing Mongolia as a Russian outpost. This, he believes, would induce China to project its power elsewhere and in the opposite direction towards the south, content with dominating or at least heavily influencing its neighbors across the South China Sea, including the Philippines, Indonesia, and Australia (minus Vietnam, which Dugin sees as a Russian ally).
The Middle East and South Asia: in addition to the proposed Russian pact with Iran to combat US interests in the region, Dugin believes that Armenia could be added to this alliance as a trusted partner. Azerbaijan, however, should be divided in his estimation or simply annexed by Iran. Dugin imagines that, via its close partner Iran, Russia will finally access the warm-water ports of the Indian Ocean and project the combined Russian-Iranian military and economic might over the whole region. Meanwhile, Turkey is viewed as being as intractable as China in entering this proposed Russian world order and should be given "geopolitical shocks" with armed rebellion of its ethnic minorities such as the Kurds and internal, domestic chaos fostered by covert Russian actions.
The United States: in his book, Dugin weaves a common theme into every one of his points: the American-imposed globalist order must be curtailed and hopefully dismantled entirely. He believes that this can be achieved by appealing to separatism within the US, promoting "Afro-American racists" to stir trouble and generally sew the seeds for social and racial conflicts. His ultimate aim is to destabilize American politics with sectarianism, fueled in part by the promotion of dissident and extremist groups. In order to ensure that the United States no longer interferes in Russia's global plans and ambitions for the future, another streak of American isolationism should be fostered, as was the general American outlook and domineering foreign policy of the interwar years (i.e. between WWI and WWII).
Current events and the evolution of Dugin's world view over the past two decades
Although only the economic relationship based on oil and gas has come about for Russia and Germany (with Putin and Merkel having a perpetually frosty relationship), the foresight of some of Dugin's other premonitions shouldn't be ignored in light of recent events. Since he published his book twenty years ago, the UK has voted to leave the European Union, just as Dugin imagined, in addition to Russia's cleaving of entire regions from Georgia (South Ossetia and Abkhazia) and Ukraine (Crimean Peninsula, Donetsk and Luhansk in easternmost Ukraine). Although China has been attempting to build stronger relationships with Central Asian states, its most recent international focus has been on the South China Sea in opposing the US hegemonic interests there, building new military bases on artificial islands. Iran is now a fairly strong ally with Russia in regards to the Syrian Civil War and dual support given to the Assad regime, in opposition to the alignment of US, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. The latter under Erdogan has seen tons of domestic turmoil, some of which is undoubtedly supported clandestinely by Russia, although Russia and Turkey have been mending fences lately. Even Dugin has been supportive of that lately! Although he generally supports any plan or international project invested in by Putin. His ideas about promoting separatism in the US, including fomenting the rise of black racists, seems eerily similar to what's going on with the current Black Lives Matter movement and the anti-SJW response to that. As for promoting American isolationism on the world stage, the US now has a president who shares these ideas, albeit in a way that coincides with traditional American nationalism, safeguarding borders, curtailing immigration, and forming new economic relationships with other countries, especially the Russian Federation. This is in stark contrast to Bush, who believed in projecting American power overseas with hard power, "shock and awe," and Obama, who pursued a more soft power approach in getting the world to align with US interests while sanctioning both Iran and Russia.
What do you guys think? Do you think Dugin is just a fringe guy who Putin largely ignores and doesn't really heed? Or is Dugin's approach to geopolitics fully embraced by the Kremlin, if begrudgingly so?
For those who are interested, the following are sources that I've consulted to construct this thread, and that are worthy of investigation:
* Aleksandr Dugin’s Foundations of Geopolitics by John B. Dunlop
* Russia’s New—and Frightening—“Ism”, by John B. Dunlop, Hoover Institution, Stanford University, July 30, 2004
* Theory Talk #66: Alexander Dugin (interview with Aleksandr Dugin, December 7, 2014)
* Post-Soviet “Uncivil Society” and the Rise of Aleksandr Dugin: A Case Study of the Extraparliamentary Radical Right in Contemporary Russia (by Andreas Umland, Ph. D. in Politics, University of Cambridge, 2007)
* The Russian 'philosopher' who links Putin, Bannon, Turkey: Alexander Dugin (Henry Meyer, Onur Ant, Chicago Tribune, Feb 3, 2017)
* Various articles on Wikipedia just for quick references and basic facts