European Perceptions of China and the United States
This is a draft on how Brussels perceives the US and China these days. Your comments are welcome.
European Perceptions of China and the United States.
Flow of Information:
Common knowledge of China is at greater levels than ever before. Chinese culture has, in small steps, permeated into everyday European life. Chinese news can be seen daily in all major European newspapers and news networks. Now, more Europeans dream of visiting China for tourism than at any point in the 20th Century, but China and the Chinese remain as enigmatic as before.
The difficulty of isolating specific perceptions of China among Europeans stems from the diverse plurality of political spectra in Europe. Asking Europeans what they think of China can produce a multitude of answers, from an Italian University student who dreams of traveling in China by train one day, to a Spanish textile worker laid of because of Chinese competition, to a career diplomat who has observed marked changes in the attitude of Chinese representatives to international dialogue. The generalization of European perceptions towards China and the US is difficult, as it presents spectra of viewpoints, which do not necessarily combine into a single cohesive perception. Notably, it must be accepted that generally these perceptions are based on a smaller degree of open interaction with China than with the United States.
The Europeans continue to perceive their lack of information on China, and are willing to challenge their conclusions on this basis. Increasing contact in recent years has made many feel that they don’t know nearly enough about the People’s Republic of China, rather than lead people to conclusions.
Many if not most European would agree that China is changing the world as much or nearly as much as the United States. The natural question remains: Does it want to?
The United States as a Waning power. China as a rising power:
Europeans see China as a rising power, and are increasingly conscious of China’s far large potential in terms of industrial power and manpower resources. Generally Europeans do not perceive a race with China or the United States, but rather the importance of establishing common standards and equal opportunities with both. There seems to weariness however, of China’s race to secure natural resources in Africa, and a general fear of non-discussion of common human rights standards.
The perspective in Brussels is that both the United States and China are capable of being irresponsible in terms of foreign policy and co-operation in an international forum. The United States is often perceived as desperate to retain its superpower status through aggressive foreign policy stemming from a carefully planned long-term strategy. China is often perceived as having a less determined foreign policy, but willing to behave aggressively, as for example in Sudan when the opportunity dictates it.
Whether it wants to or not, China is now becoming a world power. In many ways, it is already nearly as influential as the United States and possibly more influential than the European Union, which lacks a unified foreign policy. The question remains, whether China can meet the challenge of becoming a reluctant world leader?
Diversity:
Europeans are becoming conscious that the People’s Republic of China is an entity at least as diverse as the European Union, with 29 ethnicities and over a dozen significant languages. Europeans are eagerly learning that China is comprised of multiple ethnicities and multiple languages.
American diversity, which has been highlighted for many decades, now feels narrower to Europeans, as comparing to their own. Europe has emerged as a diverse patchwork of its own traditional nationalities and significant immigrant communities that can hardly been tagged as minorities. It is often perceived in Europe that the events since September 11th, 2002 have led to a growth of American exclusive nationalism, which has been used negatively against Europe on certain occasions.
Certainly many Europeans have come to see China as not celebrating its differences and diversity, but pushing for a cultural centralism in the mould traditional communist nation building. In certain ways this is perceived to be a common effect of a conservative-versus liberal struggle. It would be hypocritical to perceive that Europe is more pluralistic in the wake of events in France, and many right wing ethnically exclusive parties winning elections across the board. European are however viewing themselves more willing to undertake the debate on national identity than China, and willing to go to greater philosophical depth on certain issues than the United States.
Despite the diversity there is a perception of a tangible “Chinese culture” based on a modernized adaptation from one of the oldest tangible national cultures in the world. This national culture is seen to originate from a mix of traditional Confucian, Taoist and other imperial influences, religious influences such as from Buddhism, and a modern post colonial culture embodied by Mao Zedong.
These elements of Chinese culture have long and often inspired Europeans, and it is important to highlight the depth of respect felt for Chinese tradition in Europe.
China’s Foreign Policy:
From ally to opponent in the ten years following World War Two, China certainly continued to distance itself from the US and its European allies dramatically. Essentially the establishment of the European Union has helped strengthen the ties of numerous European countries that sought greater economic relations with China.
China has suddenly become far more active in international politics, and has increased the scope of its geopolitical interest beyond its own immediate borders. China’s strengthening trade relations with Africa and the Middle East have been a major change to markets where Europeans have only competed with Americans in the past. Chinese oil exploitation in Africa and propositions to build a pipeline and new port city in Pakistan are proof the China is a powerful player on the international market.
The Shanghai Co-operation Organization and its patent over Central Asian co-operation clearly show China’s new willingness to look towards its Western border and affect neighborhood policy. Until recently China was seen as not wishing to influence its neighborhood. But since half a decade, the Chinese have shown a greater willingness to export policy into its border regions, but nowhere near the size of European Neighborhood policy, or United States approach to leadership, or domination of the Western Hemisphere.
There is a perception in the European Union, among many people that have worked with China, that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is no longer a core institution, and that many would not back up their stand.
China’s willingness to address the European Union as often as individual nation states (more so than either Russia or the United States) is perceived to be a common flag for the evolution of the fledgling European Common Foreign and Security Policy.
Partly, the perception of China’s aggressive policy towards supply chain security, and acquisition (especially in Africa) has created a uniform opposition. Some observers in the European Union have described it as “colonial.” Due to energy supply security seeming a major goal of Chinese foreign policy in recent years a certain desire to challenge China on these issues has crept into European perceptions.
The perception of China’s rise gives hope to Europeans in that a more balanced equation can result, with the United State’s domination in recent years being able to slightly recede.
With the perception of China’s foreign policy as largely inward looking, the question remains as to whether it will remain so. There is a curiosity as to whether China, for instance after agreeing to stand with the International Community against North Korea’s nuclear tests, can put the international agenda on its list of priorities, and take the mantle of an international leader. There is a hopeful question as to whether China shares European interests in a stable world.
Bluntly put many Europeans would perceive China’s foreign policy to be ad hoc, or per case. There is a general notion that all issues of international policy must be decided on centrally prior action in a not always predictable way. This is sometimes seen as stemming from a diversity of actors within the internal consultation process, while other times seen as a young and evolving foreign policy. The United States foreign policy is perceived in Europe much more definitely, and often given the label of “American agenda,” which is consistent and usually predictable.
Relations with Japan, India and Russia
A common question in Europe is whether China needs to first improve it relationship with Japan, India and/or Russia prior to becoming a real world power. With the United States often seen as being in the best standing with all three powers, it is perceived that the United States position is often enhanced by exponential co-operation benefits gained from this. Recently, Russia has seen its relationship with both Europe and the United States soured.
Relationship with North Korea
China’s willing pressure on North Korea is a major positive evolution in the perspective of Europeans. The major concern was that China would fail to sanction North Korea giving the latter a license to develop Mass Destruction Capacities outside of a multilateral framework. European statesmen have often expressed open unhappiness in what they saw as American marginalization of North Korea among other countries. In this specific case, as well as in the case of Iran, there exists a clear linear image of China being the most open, European Union being willing to open, and the United States being hard line towards what it has called as “rogue states.”
Global objectives:
In a standard political science approach Europe sees itself as preferring Transparency and Stability as an objective for the global community, limits on free market exploitation, and responsibility sharing for the global community. Europeans generally believe that a multilateral approach to global problems is the most effective route.
Europeans often perceive the United States to prefer a global system with leaders and needers. The belief in uncurbed free market is viewed with scrutiny, especially in view of concern for corporate accountability. Europeans believe that the United States view responsibility in a global environment is seen as being clearly divided and marked. For this reason, Americans are seen to believe that certain countries should assume leadership roles in the multilateral arena.
Europeans view China as wishing to adhere to global economic and multilateral trends a-la-carte. In general the Chinese perspective is seen as being extremely pro free trade, as long as kept in a specially designated arena. China is often seen to be reluctant in accepting either a global leadership role, or a principle of collective responsibility. China is however seen, as being a more ready proponent of a multilateral approach to global policy than the United States.
Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan:
The transition of Hong Kong and Macau in a peaceful and relatively uneventful way has gone a long way to brining China closer to Europe. With the accession of these cities to the People’s Republic of China, the colonial past of Europe in Asia has been finally buried and the last evidence left behind. Furthermore, the European ties to these cities have not been severed, and they have wisely become bridges and economic platforms instead of frontier bastions.
Taiwan, and the frozen nature of the debate over Taiwan is however a negative experience. It is co-operation in the business environment that has done wonders for opening up the prospects for co-operation among American and Chinese investors.
The United Kingdom’s co-operation over Hong Kong has followed suit into making it the country best placed to negotiate bilaterally with China. Can these experiences serve as a platform for further co-operation?
The passing of the 2004 Taiwan Law has alienated and split Europeans heavily with regards to China. The majority perspective condemning peacefully, with certain European members states willing to join the United States in the defense of Taiwan should the country be invaded. Although the issue has suffered impasse for 5 decades, there is hope that the current trade in international politics can lead to eventual resolution and compromise of this burning problem.
Resources:
China could potentially become the world’s largest energy consumer. For this and other reasons it is already a key actor in exploitation and competition for fossil fuels. There is an expressed eagerness of Europeans, finding themselves dependent for Energy mainly on Russia, to discuss Chinese competition for supply chains.
Could China’s aggressive pursuit of securing natural resources be seen as undermining European attempts to establish universally binding HR, social and environmental standards?
Economy and Business
Can China be brought to greater co-operation on World Trade Organization rules? Europeans perceive Chinese co-operation on certain issues of free trade as very realistic and achievable. China is the EU’s #1 trading partner, and also holds important stakes with most non-EU European countries.
Europeans are content with the steady improvement of market access, but feel there is still more to be desired. The European Commission feels itself to defend European Business interests in China, which promise to give better returns in the long rather than short run.
There is a perception in Europe that generally Chinese businessmen prefer to invest in the US rather than in Europe. The Silicon Valley for instance already has 28% Chinese ownership.
October 24th Partnership and Co-operation Agreement
To be discussed after publication
Environment:
China’s energy and economic needs, which have often been seen by Europeans as contradictory to global environmental efforts, are major issues of contention. Many Europeans are concerned that China is a major pollutant. Seen as a traditional communist state, prioritizing mass industrialization over environmental needs, which in the European experience is perceived to be part of inherent communist policy by definition, there is a great desire to find a meeting point with China and the United States on Environmental issues.
China’s recent commitments to environmental issues come at a price of costing 1-2% of the economic growth. For this reason there is European anxiety as to whether the commitments will be met.
Party:
The European Union has recently absorbed states reeling from what are still perceived to be the ill effects of communism. In some ways the majority perception in the EU is that a centralist state is incapable of respecting human rights and civil liberties. As discussed below, with regards to China there remains a major and wide spread concern for human rights abuses.
Many European observers perceive an evolution of the identity of the party in China in the past decades. Few would claim that the party has not changed since the Cultural Revolution hit front pages in European newspapers decades ago.
With occasional high-level corruption scandals, such as of the Shanghai party boss’ dismissal earlier this year, Europeans often ask the question of whether China can maintain its current party system in the face of its continued trend of opening to the world.
The idea of one-party-one-voice is increasingly receding as the Chinese are being seen as many parties, many voices, with a central pillar steadily decreasing its monitoring of both actions and discourse.
Some Europeans perceive a trade off between the need for economic growth to keep the population content. It is perceived that the party must continue to decentralize authority so as to maintain economic growth. Europeans nearly universally believe that a centrally planned and steered economic system cannot compete with a modern free market economy. Europeans essentially agree with a United States model as long as it has more checks and restrictions. There is a desire in Europe to make corporations more accountable, but even in Europe this trend is decreasing in order not to limit the competitiveness of European companies versus US ones.
If the Chinese Communist Party is to maintain legitimacy and support with its population it needs to find other ways of liberalizing itself. Europeans view international co-operation as a possible route for offsetting the effects of the above trade-off.
In general it is believed that the CPP still tries to be a one-voice political giant, but does not fully manage.
Army:
In Europe there is generally no more concern for Chinese military intentions than for American ones. Europeans are aware that China has a competitive military, and that it has invested heavily in Research & Development in the last decade. Chinese missile capabilities are a concern mostly in that they are seen as a threat when ending up in the wrong hands of some of China’s trading partners. Chinese land forces a respected but not feared.
It is recognized that the only war were Chinese and American land forces confronted each other was lost by the latter. Chinese capabilities are considered to be considerable in land forces, but challengeable in the air and at sea. The United States and China share an approach of large readily available armed forces as an objective. The European Union has set as its target a small rapid response force designed more for response in multilateral operations, especially in peacekeeping.
This issue has been one of serious debate in the European Union, and remains a major internal point of contention in Europe. With NATO enjoying more member states than the EU, the United States still wields a certain degree of authority over Europe militarily, which it has enjoyed since World War II.
In Europe there is concern for Chinese modernization of “rogue state” armies. This however is not a specific concern reserved for China, as the United States and European members states are equally active in the arms trade and equipment of third world militaries. What is certain is that there is a regular disparity between United States, European and Chinese policy towards arms exports and defense issues.
There is room for discussion on the Arms Embargo.
Internal Stability:
Some Europeans are unsure as to whether China can remain stable. 50 Million Chinese live in poverty, is this horrifying figure possible to tackle? How will this influence internal stability in the face of pressure to liberalize markets at the same time as implementing cohesive social policy. With the staggering figure of around 90,000 cases of civil unrest per year, there is a concern for China’s stability, but certainly coupled with a desire for it.
Most Europeans assume that both China and the United States both represent very stable regimes, and wonder at the long run relationship with both.
Immigration
Chinese immigrants in Europe enjoy a very positive image. In our polling of people we have seen that they are almost unanimously seen as a “clean, industrious, polite, conforming, productive, and beneficial” immigration. Chinese immigration also tends to promote a positive image of China in Europe. With the numbers of Chinese immigrants growing there is a desired perception by European states to further discuss new visa regimes and co-operation on illegal migration. Rarely, do Europeans see Chinese immigration as a threat, and generally Chinese immigrants enjoy as welcome of a status as any group.
Human Rights
A central pan-European concern towards both China and the United States is the respect and lack of conformity to human rights standards, which most Europeans would like to be implemented multi-laterally and later unilaterally. There is concern for Chinese repression of groups internally, and for a state run discouragement of plurality.
With accession to the European Union of states emerging from communist recent-pasts, there is a notion, especially in those countries, that human rights abuses are inherent in centralist, especially communist systems. Many Europeans believe, as is inherent in European political philosophy such as inherent in the works of Rousseau, Leibnitz, Bentham or Foucault that a state can maintain full control without oppressing or repressing the interests of its population.
Europeans are aware that certain groups in China can be characterized as violent revolutionaries, but most would insist on non-violent means of dealing with them. Sadly, when this issue emerges in academic circles it is often identified as emerging from different historical, social and cultural traditions and seen as irresolvable.
Europeans have seen the behavior of the United States Government towards human rights and especially civil liberties in recent years in not much better of a light. According to polls in major newspapers a wide majority of Europeans condemn the United State’s uneven application of human rights standards, and justification of its own abuses with the view of “maintaining security.”
A major point of contention is that of the death penalty. A majority of European countries have abolished it. This issue, coupled with the United States total-war like behavior in its multiple conflicts in recent years has been a growing point of division between the United States and Europe.
To Europeans the respect of European and United Nations standards on human rights and civil liberties is a priority, which remains fuelling the growth of distrust towards both China and the United States. For instance, to some Europeans, especially those believing in the importance of the United Nations, China has been more willing to sign and conform to certain United Nations protocols than the United States.
The example of Intellectual Property Rights as a Practical Field of Co-operation
Can China be brought to co-operate on intellectual property rights with the European Union? On the agenda of the European Union this is a high priority. European countries see a lot of need for technical and practical co-operation with China. China has heavily impacted Europe in several areas, including recently on textiles and non-conformity to intellectual property rights.
A major point of concern for European Businesses, it has sometimes been pointed out that mainland Chinese cross to Hong Kong to buy brand name European and American products, whilst Hong Kong residents cross to China to buy cheaper Chinese copies. Since a large foundation of the European Union relies on trade and trade co-operation, this is rather a pressing issue if China is to become an increasingly important partner to the European Union.
The EU-Chinese Science and Technology year offers promise in fostering greater concept in innovation. European companies feel that the Chinese are eager to acquire technologies illegally now, but are not willing to purchase them at competitive market prices.
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Originally Posted by LoZz
