I have a pretty big update coming tomorrow. or maybe today if i can finish what I am doing![]()
I have a pretty big update coming tomorrow. or maybe today if i can finish what I am doing![]()
For some time there is peace after the destruction of the Anartes. Lost to history from this point they nonetheless place the Suebi on the world stage. The Illyrian Daorsi are in firm control of all the land from Illyria north to the Danubis, east into Dacia, and westward they control as far as the border with Massalia. No doubt the Daorsi would want to expand into all of Dacia but have yet been able to do so successfully.Chapter 12: Lugii
We know of four Chieftains now in control of armies. Chlodochar hails from the province of Suebia. His brother Baldovin has raised men from Hiercynia. Gerulf is from the Sarmatian province, and Karl is from Germania Magnus. It would seem that each province, or group of related cities and lands supports a chieftain that raises an army. It is unclear at this point if this is voluntary or if it is something that is done as tribute for being absorbed into the Suebian fold.
The Celts at this point are beginning to fight more and more amongst themselves. The author Patriclus tells us of the infighting of the Celts during this time period. Their lack of unity ultimately means the absorption of the Helvitii into the Daorsian Kingdom. The westward progression of the Daorsi is inarguably helped by the lack of the Celtic tribes to cooperate.
This of course is good for the Suebi for the most part. The stable border between the Daorsi and the Suebi enable trade to expand and a general prosperity has fallen over the lands north of the Danube and East of the Rhine.
The exception is the now near continual raiding along the Flevum coast. The Iceni and their allies on the Tin Isles have caused great damage to local trade. At some point it will have to be dealt with but the Suebian King has other ideas for the moment.
The Lugii tribe were the only Germanic peoples left that had not been brought into the Suebian Kingdom. If this were to happen, Chlodochar could not just do it on his own. Before continuing with the Lugian War it is important to understand the political machinations of the Suebi.
Although they have a King that is supported by the people a large assembly of people meet each year to determine the direction of things and to handle disputes. Historians agree that these were largely local but starting around the time of the Lugian War it would seem that a much broader assembly began its onset.
These meetings were called Things and we now have evidence of a great hall in the city of Lupfordum where men from all the provinces of the Suebi would converge. Each Province was led by a chieftain and he often spoke for the needs of his province. The high king could ignore the wills of the Thing but it would be ill-advised. Without the support of the people of the lands it would be foolish to try anything. It is believed that the Thing Assembly voted to pressure the Lugii to join the Suebi. Of course the Lugii refused and after much hand wringing and teeth nashing Chlodochar had no choice but to act.
The Germanic people have always been fierce warriors and quite proud of it. The pressure of his people and the fact that his status would be diminished he really had no choice. It is likely that Chlodochar would have wanted this to begin with. The seal of the Thing now gave him authority to start the Lugian War.
History tells us that the Suebi marched into the territory of the Lugii and quickly laid siege to the large city of Budorgis. The result was a bloody struggle for the city.
The relatively unprepared garrison of the city put up a heroic fight. A monument in the great shrine of Wodan near the city illustrates the bravery of the men that perished. It is unclear as to why the bravery of the enemy of the Suebi was discussed, however it may be an attempt to make the Suebi look like even better warriors. If your enemy is incredibly brave and you best them then it must say something of your own bravery.
Again we find archaeological evidence that destruction of several watchtowers near the ancient walls had occurred with pitch or resin and fire. This must have meant that the Suebi attacked during good weather with little moisture.
The fighting would have been ferocious and desperate near the walls as control of a gate likely ensued. Once the gate was opened it would have enabled the Suebi to send in a massive amount of their infantry and simply overwhelmed the defenders. Certain points along the city would have been chokepoints and the Suebi would have had to fight through these, likely causing many casualties.
The loss of the city to the Lugii tribe stung quite a bit. Perhaps in a retaliatory strike they captured the city of Galic in the province of Sarmatia. Although it didn’t undermine the war effort it did hurt the pride of Chlodochar most likely. The Lugii had woken up to the threat and during the closing months of that year mustered a huge army to confront the Suebi.
The battle of Belz has been documented many times and documentaries can be seen of it in the media. It is one of the most well documented battles of ancient times and its significance has several implications.
Entire books have been written on the types of men involved, the strategies of the generals, and even the attire of the warriors. A huge amount of space to this battle will not be granted in this book, however its ramifications are large so it is important to discuss it to a certain extent.
The battle itself is the result of a great marshaling of men from the various lands of the Lugii. The Lugii had an almost identical warrior class and type of the Suebi and brought to bear the familiar spears, swords, and axes. They had great huntsmen like the Suebi. Like the Suebi they had minimal cavalry that was largely used in a scouting role.
Unlike battles around the Mediterranean or to a greater extent that of the East, the fights north of the Danube largely involved infantry, particularly spear infantry. Both sides employed a group of fanatical men that wielded two handed axes or large swords. These men were known to use extracts and possibly alcohol to work themselves into a frenzy during a battle. Unpredictable, but powerful, these berserkers would have wreaked havoc on their opponents.
Present also would have been Gothi Nobles, a group of religious zealots that had shaved their heads and painted their bodies white with two black streaks on the side of their head. They represented a human form of a ghost or numen. It was designed to instill fear and their rhythmic chanting would have been alarming during the din of battle. Other nobles clad in expensive armor were present as well.
Essentially this is a massive clash of forces with identical armies. The experience and tenacity of the Suebi may have been the edge in this fight. They styles and types of men were identical and we know the outcome, so it is reasonable to assume that superior leadership carried the day along with the experience of the Suebi.
The battle begins with a cavalry skirmish off to the right flank of the Suebi. It is a rare thing to see a cavalry fight and it is often focused on at this battle. The cavalry of the Suebi were the victors but it cost them greatly and were unable to chase down fleeing men. This would have implications later.
The skirmishers employ themselves first. The Suebi had slightly more archers then the Lugii and the Lugii attempted to whittle down the lines of spearmen of the Suebi and ignore the archers. This meant of course that although damage was inflicted to the Suebi front ranks the Lugii had largely forfeited their skirmishers. More importantly the archers of the Suebi were almost completely untouched.
Regardless of the cavalry loss and the loss of the skirmishers the Lugii charged forward with their own infantry. A tremendous crash of men occurred for over a mile. The suebi did not throw all their men into the fight. They instead waited with their second line and at some point countercharged the enemy.
This took pressure of the Suebian main line and put the enemy on its heels giving some space between the two forces. This allowed for individual warriors to pit themselves against one another. Thousands of warriors fighting this battle individually would have come down to the individual soldiers bravery and skill.
One of the things that Chlodochar did was mass his berserkers on the left flank. This concentrated his most offensive men in one location. With the skirmisher threat eliminated the berserkers would have had a great opportunity to cut away their opponents and overwhelm them.
At some point during the battle the battle line becomes fractured. Two great gaps were formed and it enabled the Suebi to envelop and form three pockets of fighting. Had the Lugii had any reserve fighters it would have provided an opportunity to charge through the gaps and cause havoc, particularly with the Suebian archers.
The death of their chieftains and the threat of being enveloped caused panic among the Lugii. They fled largely unchased into the fields and meadows.
Chlodochar spent a short amount of time replacing lost men among his ranks, and then marched to take the city of Galic. The despair of losing the battle of Belz probably meant the city offered little resistance to the armies of the Suebi.
After resting for the winter the Suebian forces closed in on the last remaining city with Germanic lands that belonged to a Germanic tribe. The city of Tur was promptly surrounded and early in the summer an all out assault was launched.
The rampage that ensued and utter destruction of the city can be documented by a charcoal layer found under the modern city that leaves a great black footprint at where the Lugii controlled the city.
The survivors fled south, exiting the forests great protection and into the open areas along the Black Sea. Here the Lugii are forced to eke out an existence having been evicted from their homelands.
It is at this point the Germanic peoples enter a new stage of their history. Having pulled all the tribes together under one banner a new focus begins.
The recognition that the Suebians were now the sole rulers of the forested lands north of The Danubis meant fear for some and simple interest for others. The Celts knew that the Suebi were now a huge threat and formed a confederation of tribes in the lands west of the Rhine. This confederation would offer a unified front should the Suebi cross the Rhine and attack Celtic lands. The Celts wanted no war with the huge Germanic Kingdom and offered a non aggresion pact with the Suebi.
When one looks at a map of Europe at this time we see a definitive boundary of cultures. Hellenistic cultures dominate the area south of the Danube, Germanic culture dominates the North of the Danubis, and the Celts dominate the Rest of Western Europe. What used to be a mishmosh of cultures has now evolved into blocks of definitive cultures that have aversions to each other.
![]()
Part II: The Tin IslesUp to this point in history the Germanic peoples had not left the protective realm east of the Rhine and North of The Danube. A great time of peace and prosperity settled across the land. Most of what we know about this period is from the historian Patriclus. He writes that the trade between the Germanic and Helenistic people turned the Danube river region into one of the most stable borders between kingdoms at that time.
Chapter 13: Evolution
This profited both cultures of course. One of the most astonishing discoveries of archaeology was a nearly intact village that was covered under layers of sediment along a tributary of the Danube. It seemed to be along a major trade route and through a terrible event, perhaps a flash flood or mud slide the entire village was frozen at that point in time. It has given us a window into what was going on at that time.
Several key discoveries would show that although the Germanic people were still a brutal and somewhat backward culture they show several advancements from that time. The Germanic people were adapting and evolving to a bigger world. It was a world where Greek was the universal language.
The first is the discovery of a tablet with the Runic Alphabet next to another tablet with the Greek Alphabet. This is the oldest record, dating to about 240 BC, of a written language by the Suebi. It was found in a modest house, perhaps a shopkeepers and represents an important step in trade and that is a way of recording information in an organized fashion. Another tablet in an adjacent building has a numbered list of various items including amber and the amount next to it in Greek and Runic. It is significant because the language is being used by lower and middle class people in the region. It is a signal of very likely widespread use.
We have also found gold coins in the village and none date back further than 250 BC. The interesting aspect of this is that the closer you get to the villages destruction the more and more Suebian coins are found. A chieftain is portayed and it is reasonable to assume it is that of Chlodochar. The use of coins meant that the Germanic people were minting gold localy, likely Istros, and stamping out coins. The use of coinage seems to coincide with a great time of construction and prosperity. Most of the major cities north of the Danube saw a great expansion.
It is interesting that the first part of the Germanic culture to evolve was not military but rather economical. In order for a culture to change over time they generally need a reason. Because the military had only been fighting other tribes and similar warriors, and because they had been very successful, there was no incentive to change. However on the Economic front these changes were being forced upon the Suebi in that all the cultures around them had a written language and used coinage.
The world at this time was changing and the Suebi were being swept up in that evolutionary tide. The Lugii were wiped out by a migrating Basternae. The Basternae were under pressure from the Daorsi in Dacia and were undergoing an exodus. It is not clear where the Lugii went but all evidence of the brief time that the Lugii were on the Black Sea coast disappears very quickly. Instead the Dacians move in and occupy those former lands. It is not clear if the Dacians did this on purpose or they were driven to do it while looking for a new land to settle.
The Helvetii rebelled against the Daorsi and were crushed out of existence. This could have only angered the Celtic tribes along the borders of the Daorsi. What is known is that the Daorsi managed to pick a fight with the maritime power of Carthage which now all of Sicily and Southern Italy. As many historians have noted the Brundisium incident coincides with a significant event that the Germanic peoples are directly involved with: The invasion of the Tin Isles.
![]()
The next few years would reveal several advancements and opportunities that would make the Suebi one of the most powerful groups of people on the world stage. We will look at these individually and then discuss the battle of Petrodava.Chapter 15: Opportunity
The situation in the Tin Isles would force the Brigantes to form a confederation called the British Confederation. The Brigantes joined with the Iceni to fight the very real threat to their north. However this would not do much in the end. The Lesser Tin Isle had been largely neglected by the Iceni and when the Suebian forces crossed the Lesser Tin Channel it was inevitable that they would capture the sparsely guarded island.
At the same time the great city of Ebkoran was also largely unguarded despite the Suebi sitting right to their north in the stronghold city of Eilkon. Now why would this happen? Why would the Iceni not challenge the Suebian’s on their own soil? It came down to events happening on the mainland of Europe.
The Gallic Confederation had been fighting the Iceni for some years but the Iceni had recently gained the upper hand. They had managed to capture several stretches of land along the coast and were pouring manpower into defending those areas. The Gallic Confederation was doing the same to recapture it. Essentially the Icenians were so bent on conquest in Mainlaind Europe that they had ignored their threat to the north. Perhaps they knew that if they had split their forces that they would have lost both wars.
The pressure on the Celtic tribes of Mainland Europe began to grow and after a series of great losses the Icenii began to capture huge swaths of territory. From the Rhine all the way to the Atlantic the Iceni had beaten back their foes. Having established themselves along the coast they were poised to drive further into mainland Europe. However the very real threat of their island being lost must have crossed their minds. Of the original six regions they controlled they were only in control of the southernmost three. The gains in Europe had come with a severe price at home for The Iceni and their invasion of Mainland Europe would have ramifications that would echo for some time.
Another opportunity for the Suebian Kingdom came from the far side of their lands. The Daorsi had tried to hold onto the city of Petrodava only to lose control of it through a rebellion. The Daorsi were fighting the Carthaginians and the Etruscans to the West in and around Italia. Clearly they lacked the manpower to do much about the Dacians that had reclaimed their lands. However the Suebians seemed to smell opportunity and sent two chieftains with their respective armies to capture the region.
The Suebi laid siege to the city of Petrodava and after a short time the defenders sallied out and offered battle on a grassy plain outside the city. A piece of parchment called the Petrodavian Parchment has offered us the best description of the battle from the Suebian perspective. Written on leather or calf skin it recounts the battle in great detail and constantly points out the bravery and honor of the men fighting. It tries to say that the Suebians were outnumbered but this is unlikely. Despite this being a record of the battle, its accuracy has to be questioned.
We know the battle happened because Patriclus discusses how the Suebians stole away yet another Daorsian opportunity and how barbarians took advantage of indecision among the Daorsian leaders. We also see evidence of Germanic Culture filling the region after this point.
The battle itself would have been particularly brutal and for the first time we see a weapon wielded that could give the two handed axe a run for its money. It was called a falx and it was wielded with both hands and had a curved blade that was capable of cutting a man in half. The evidence of that is debatable but what is true is that it caused horrific wounds. So this battle would show a battle between not just two armies but between two weapons. Both the two handed axe and the falx would have both been powerful weapons and military experts disagree on which is better. The clashing of these weapons would have been dramatic and devastating.
Without a shield the weapon itself had to be used to counter attacks and needed a fair amount of room to operate. Both the axe and the falx were designed on power to overwhelm opponents. It would have been an incredible sight to see these very different warriors going at each other with these terribly awesome weapons.
The result of this battle does not mean that the falx was not a winner in the contest between itself and the two handed axe. It just may have been handled by someone of lesser caliber or the Dacians would have been outnumbered. Both are likely. Hellenistic sources claim the falx did horrible damage to men that came face to face with it. There is no doubt about its killing power. It took a lot of effort to pacify Dacia and at the end of the day the province was split between Germanic and Hellenistic cultures. The battle may have eliminated the native Dacian threat but the seeds of something far worse had been planted.
![]()
The progress among the Suebian forces had been largely unchallenged, with the exception of some garrisons. After rampaging down the island they finally arrived at the town of Iska. Located on the waterfront as an important port city it represented one of two areas the Icenii still clung to. Their excursion into the mainland had been a failure. The loss of their island base of manpower and gold meant that they could not hold onto their mainland conquests.Chapter 16 Iska
Iska was the first time since Eilkon that the Icenii had challenged the Suebians to battle. Inside their town they vowed to put up a heroic struggle. The losses on both sides of this particulare fight were staggering. The Icenii challenged the Suebians for every foot of ground they captured. Men poured into the city by boat to help the cause and only after a protracted fight that lasted the better course of a day did the town relent.
How do we know how bloody the battle was? No mass graves were found and no monuments erected. What we can tell is from several destroyed temples in the town. Archaelogists have theorized that the Suebians captured Iska but were so badly bloodied and so far away from their man power in the north they had no choice but to abandon it move back to the north again.
If they had just sacked the town it would have shown no signs of a rebuilding in the Germanic fashion. What is found is a short lived time, perhaps a year, in which the Suebians stayed and then left. Long enough to leave a slight mark on the city but it was not to last.
The fight was either incredibly brave on the part of the Iceni or incredibly incompetent on the part of the Suebians. Perhaps a trap was sprang or some other cunning attempt to defeat the Suebians employed. We have no evidence that the Suebians were incompetent and it might have come down to a heroic defense by the part of the Icenii.
Regardless the battle forced the Suebians to return to the north to recover and when they did the city fell back to the Icenii quite quickly.
Elsewhere the mention of the Suebians for the first time shows up in the powerful Egyptian Kingdom. Parchments reveal that a trade agreement had been brokered and this was followed by an influx of amber several years later.
The Romans were now the masters of Italy and had snatched Sicily away from Carthage. Carthage itself was under pressure from the tribes in the Iberian Peninsula as well as from Rome and the Daorsi.
The capture of modern day Wales by the Suebians gave access to the plentiful iron found in the hills. It was only a short time before the men of Suebia began mining and molding that metal into brutal steel weapons to confront their enemies with.
In the region of Petrodava in Dacia the Suebians were flooding in and even migrating to the Hellenistic cities of Malva and Zarmetegusae. In fact so many Germans moved into the region that there were more Celts and Germans than Hellenistic peoples. This was of course not missed by the Daorsi who had suddenly grown wary of their Barbaric neighbors.
![]()
Before getting into detail with the next bit of history it is important to understand the aspect of religion in ancient times. Nearly all societies had a group of deities that were worshipped. They had deities for just about every aspect of life.Chapter 17: Exodus
Before a battle there were sacrifices and other rituals done to appease the gods. In a sense it was hoped your god was stronger than that of the enemies. If your faith wasn’t strong enough then it would be hard to win the battle. Being abandoned by the gods was a common explanation for losing a contest so much pain was taken to appease them.
This would have been done before the Battle of Stonehenge. The loss meant that the Suebians, in their minds, had not done enough to appease the gods or worse yet their gods were inferior to that of the Celtic ones. Regardless the impact on the Suebians was powerful enough to cause a massive shift of power.
After the battle, fear spread throughout the cities of the Greater Tin Isle. People began to leave and head north back to the relative safety of Eildon. The garrison’s and generals began to do the same as well. The new king, Gerulf, was nothing like Chlodochar and was generally given to be a feeble and old man that was extremely religious. His piety was respected but his leadership was not. Likely in his late 50’s upon being named King he may have responded to the loss at Stonehenge as a sign. The omen of that loss would have had an impact on anyone that looked at events being linked to the gods. Now with two armies destroyed and near panic in the southern and central Greater Tin Isle, the people and the armies began to flee.
The local Celtic tribes including the Brigantes saw an opportunity and rebelled. The Icenii pushed hard and took Iska a few years after the Battle of Stonehenge. Ebkoran fell shortly after and a few years after that the iron producing region of Wales fell to the Brigantes.
Across the kingdom new groves to the gods were erected in every city. The people were encouraged to redouble their efforts to make the gods stronger and to appease them even more. Gerulf paid huge sums to have this done but not everyone was happy.
A younger Chieftain named Wulfgang had seen the loss not from a perspective of religion but rather of armor. He traveled to the lands of the Daorsi and met with metal smiths there that had been crafting armors and spears for a long time. Wulfgang knew that better armor would have made the difference at Stonehenge.
Several authors write of his visit saying that he was disguised as a trader but wanted to learn about armors. It is also rumored he visited the Gallic Confederation in Gaul. The Celts were excellent crafters of armor including chainmail. Chainmail would have been effective against the slashing blades of the Icenii.
Of course he was helpless to do anything personally as he could not impose new equipment on a different chieftain, especially the King. We know that he was rich as he came from the eastern side of the Rhine and had frequent trading relationships with the neighboring Celts of the Nervii and the Gallic confederation.
Convincing Gerulf to retake lost lands would have likely been futile. However the loss of the armies at Stonehenge and subsequent exodus from central and southern Greater Tin Isle would have beneficial effects. The people and men of the armies turned their efforts from conquest and battle and into improving their own lands. Roads were improved and new trading partners established.
During this time the rest of the world was not idle. The Gallic Confederation, Pictones, and Nervii had formed a powerful alliance. The latter of these had driven like a spear into Iberia and occupied vast stretches of it.
The Carthaginians could no longer deal with the combined might of the Daorsi and their new allies the Romans. Rome had crippled the Carthaginians at their own capital and the Daorsi charged in and captured the city. The battle for Carthage, of course, is an epic part of history in itself, however that will not be discussed here. In exchange the Romans charged in and snatched away Corsica and Sardinia from Carthage. Carthage had no recourse and had been evicted from Africa and its islands in the Mediterranean.
The Nervii had their sights set on the last great city of the Carthaginians in Iberia. The Basternae had finally been defeated by an allied force of Spartans, Athenians, and Bithnyians. Parthia was working its way around the Caspian sea. There were many changes occurring in the world. By 225 BC the landscape had shifted greatly since the Suebians first begain their consolidation of Germanic Tribes.
Approximately 235 BC
Approximately 225 BC
The Thing that would meet each year began to grow suspicious of various plots. The feeble Wulfgar did little to calm the storm here. Instead he insisted we unite with the gods in appeasing them. Accusations flew as to what was going on. Wulfgar himself was found dead in his sleep but he was a 64 year old man.
Scribes began to keep records of these meetings and we begin to find transcripts of the various meetings. It is clear there is still a fear of the Iceni on the Greater Tin Isle. Some want to avenge the Suebian losses at Stonehenge but many are beginning to forget the disaster over ten years previously.
As later history would tell us Wulfgang was not idle during this time. Securing promotions and gaining leverage over various other chieftains he was quietly mounting a coup. He was fourth in line to the throne and would likely not see it till he was an old man if then. He knew what needed to be done, at least according to his autobiography. In the book he defends the actions he took as necessary for the survival of the Suebian Kingdom. His argument was simple. If the Suebians did reconquer lost lands they would be viewed upon as weak and that is the last thing any German would want. Of course his biography was not discovered after his death and many felt his actions were a necessary means to an end.
After seeing how well neighboring cultures like the Hellenistic groups and the Celts it became apparent something had to be done. Wulfgang slowly began to win favor of the six or so chieftains in Caledonia at Eilkon. This was done as way of garnering support. Over the course of several years the various Kings would be eliminated in what would look like a tragic accident.
Of course to prevent a younger man from doing the same to him he secured alliances and apparently made promises in secret to give those lesser chieftains much more power than they would otherwise have.
It is unclear if any of these men died of natural causes. However the grave of Reinald was exhumed in 2010 in an effort to learn his fate. Toxicology tests revealed high levels of arsenic and lead in his body. Both were elevated but the level of arsenic was determined to be a fatal dose. It is plausible that he died from lead poisoning but most experts agree the arsenic levels in his tissues would have been sufficient. Most experts agree that ancient cultures did not know the risks associated with lead.
Unfortunately we have no evidence of the fates of the other two in front of Wulfgang and his ambitions to be king. Based on what we know from Reinald’s fate it is reasonable to assume they suffered at the hands of Wulfgang and his agents.
It took Wulfgang three years to gain the throne, but once there he began to get smiths trained on how to make ringmail and chainmail in order to better protect his men. Hrodorich was his younger brother by two years and the two worked together to get enough iron to make the armor that would be needed for their men. It is rumored that Celtic craftsmen from the Nervii tribe were brought secretely to Eilkon to teach other smiths the painstaking and tedious process of making ringmail. It would take years for the smiths to learn the skills necessary.
When he was able to outfit about a hundred of his men with armor he paraded them off to some of the other chieftains and the reception was anything but warm. We cannot be certain the reason but the reality is that the other chieftains rebuffed efforts from Wulfgang and Hrodorich to convince them to outfit their men with the mail.
There could be several explanations for this. We know that mail is very expensive to make and takes a long time. It would have cost a tremendous amount of money to outfit a chieftain’s army with mail. Wulfgang may have been rich, but the other chieftains may not have had the resources. Another possible explanation may come down to pride. The Germanic warriors prided themselves on their physique and their unwillingness to hide behind armor. Part of the fear factor was that the Germanic tribesmen bet their money on their skill on battle not their armor. There was an engrained culture of wearing little on the battle field. In fairness this would provide tremendous mobility but ultimately in close quarter combat being half naked is likely more of a risk than a benefit. Changing that culture of thinking would need a dramatic example to convince others.
I decided to go ahead and pay the 2.99 a month for now. So you should see all the pics now
Wulfgang had procured enough mail to outfit his and his brother’s armies. Wulfgang’s autobiography indicates that he trained the men vigorously to get used to the new weight and trained them in tactics that would give them better odds of surviving on the battlefield. These specific tactics are not known but a test would be forthcoming.Chapter 19: Bassenthwaite
One of the Brigantes chieftains had set up camp along Lake Bassenthwaite. This is one of the large lakes that makes up the Lake District National Park in the Greater Tin Isle. A statue of Wulfgang and a museum is located here to commemorate the battle. Visitors can see some of the bits of armor and spears that were unearthed at the site in the late 1800’s. Local farmers had been finding spear tips and helms for years, and is the source of some of the museums artifacts.
King Wulfgang decided to march his army south and across the northern part of the lakes and engage the chieftain in battle. Evenly matched in number it should be an evenly fought battle. However it was not as history has shown.
On a cool spring morning the two forces met. It was a battle about half the size of Stonehenge but nonetheless significant. If Stonehenge was the end of an era for the Germanic peoples, Bassenthwaite would be the beginning of a new one.
Many of the Brigantes that showed up were wielding identical spears to that of the Suebians. They also had swordsmen of which the Suebians also had. The major difference between these two forces was the level of protection. Many of the Brigantes fought stripped to the waist. They had impressive shields but would that be enough to protect them against an enemy that was now heavily armored. The armored spearmen of the Suebians were quite prepared for the onslaught.
The battle began when the Suebian archers sent the Brigantes skirmishers fleeing under a hail of arrows. This was not uncommon as the Suebian archers were superior to just about everything that came up against them.
The cavalry of the Brigantes charged into the flanks of the spearmen on the front rank, and as practiced they disemboweled many of the horses and then finished off the riders. Meanwhile the second line of Suebian infantry charged into the fray of men and horses. For a while it would be unclear who the winner would be. Both sides had skilled melee specialists and for a while things went well for both sides. However at some point the superior armor of the Suebians caused the Brigante line to thin. At some point holes began to form and slowly the Suebians were able to create pockets and isolate the Brigantes. By late morning the battle was over and almost all of the Brigantes had been killed. The Suebians lost almost a third of their men but the battle seemed to indicate that the better armor reduced casualties. This must have been a comfort to the survivors and it is likely they became a big advertiser of their armor.
Protecting the warriors fighting for their chieftain was expensive and for the time being the other chieftains remained unconvinced. It would be some time before they would adopt the same armor as Wulfgang’s and Hrodorich’s men. It would mean that Wulfgang would further have to prove himself and his new doctrine.
Wulfgang stated in his autobiography that he needed the iron of Wales to make the armor for the other armies. Getting there would mean recapturing Ekboran and Wales itself. Having made peace a few years previously with the Iceni it was unlikely to last.
By 217 BC the Icenii had realized the threat facing them and amassed a large force to go face the Germanic army. They marched toward modern day Wales and posted themselves on the East side of the Severn River. The final great battle for the Tin Isles was about to be had. Historians and other documentarians have dissected this battle in great detail. It is hugely relevant because it represents the last great stand of a native force of men against the Suebians.Chapter 21: The Battle of Severn River
Wulfgang had planned on crossing the river at a ford found in a relatively open area. This would allow his archers to keep the Icenian missile troops at bay while his men could pass onto the other side of the river. According the Wulfgang the ford was particularly shallow due to the lack of rain during the spring.
Had it been raining hard perhaps they could have built a bridge or tried to find another location to cross. Many of the Suebians took the dry weather as a sign from the gods that they were opening up the door to the rest of the Greater Tin Isle.
A curious thing occurred though at the battle. It could have been a pivotal and right decision at the time but as things go in battle, things unravel. The Icenians charged across the Ford and headlong into the spearmen of the Suebians and the Germanic archers could essentially close their eyes and shoot into the mass of men surging across the river and almost always strike an enemy.
It would turn out that the saviors of the day were potentially the light cavalry that the Suebians employed as scouts. Wulfgang had sent them south along the river looking for another suitable ford for his men to use if needed. Instead the Germanic cavalry shockingly discovered most of the elite infantry of the Icenians surging toward the very ford they had just discovered.
This is where light cavalry became very useful to the army. Had those elite troops crossed the ford and smashed into the flank of the Suebians the tide could have been turned. Only the reserves were remaining and Wolfgang would have had a real mess on his hands.
The cavalry is described to be on the verge of panic as they rode up to Wulfgang to deliver the news that men had crossed another ford about a mile to the south and were marching this way. Wulfgang was apparently calm and sent his own elite infantry south to meet the threat. The cavalry were instructed to keep an eye on things and report any major issues.
Wolfgang had essentially saved a flank attack but now he had no reserves. The archers of the Suebians were turning the mass of men in the river into a pincushion but still they came. Some of the spearmen the Suebians used had gone south to meet the flanking force while the Icenians continued to surge against the wall of Germanic spears.
The battle for the main river crossing would be a stalemate for some time. The Suebians had the advantage of defense and experience but the sheer number of Icenians kept the line busy. Meanwhile to the south the elite forces of each side collided into each other. Fearsome Icenians in masks with great swords clashed with Germans covered in chainmail with wolfs head adorning their helms. It was a brutal struggle but one that would make the difference in the battle.
The elite and other that had gone south to meet the Icenian threat would eventually prevail. Having bested their foes they had little rest. The Suebian line at the main ford was holding but the sheer press of men against them was having an effect. Several spear units had been virtually whittled down to nothing and Wulfgang had to pull them out of the fighting. The Germanic cavalry stormed off to consult with Wulfgang about what to do with the victorious elites that were now gaining rest under the trees by the lower ford.
Wulfgang instructed the cavalry to return to the elite infantry and have them cross the ford and march to the rear of the Icenians that were pressing hard against the straining line of Suebian men. The elites marched across the ford and marched north with the cavalry ahead looking for trouble.
Wulfgang could have had the elites return to reinforce the line but instead he ordered them to attack the rear of the Icenians as they were trying to get across the river. It was a gamble but one that turned out to be successful.
The Icenians realized that they were sandwiched between two forces and yet they continued to fight for some time. The middle of the river reportedly took on a red color and many men that might have survived drowned as they got trampled. The Icenians were trapped and many panicked. However, others fought to the last turning the middle of the ford into a morass of men, mud, blood, and horses.
The results of the battle were terrible for the Icenians. The Suebians were also pretty bloodied and would not be able to take immediate advantage of their victory. Another chieftain arrived and Wulfgang replenished his ranks with the men and began his final march of conquest.
The garrison of Camolundon had been stripped to bolster the Icenian army at Severn River. When Wulfgang arrived the defenders put up a valiant fight but were ultimately killed. Camolundon burned for several days as the men of Wulfgang’s army laid waste to it. Iska was a repeat of Calolundon and soon the Icenians were forced to flee and hide. They would never again be a force to contend with.
The endurance that the Suebians had for this campaign to take over the Tin Isles shows their resolve and will. For nearly 30 years they had fought and bled for a foreign land. Major setbacks like Stonehenge was not enough to stop the Germanic onslaught and as a result its people were more resilient than ever. This resilience would be rewarded with a period of relative peace until it would be shattered by an event that dramatically shows that one person can affect the world. That of course would be some time in the future and in the meanwhile the Suebians would enjoy a relatively peaceful and productive time.
We are not exactly where the first Suebi army crossed the Elbe but it must have been significant. The Elbe was the traditional boundaries of the tribe for its entire existence, barring any new archaeological finds.Chapter 9: Cherusci
Not having a written account but one of pictures and sculptures provides information even if it isn’t detailed. Besides a historian at the time tend to skews information toward his own people so it may be better that we do not have a written account of the Suebian history at this time.
After the conquest of the Cimbrii and the subsequent time it took to rebuild the city and the armies of the Suebii we can assume that the Suebii marched south to deal with the Cheruscii. The Cherusci had perhaps seen the threat and had been fighting a long war with the Frisii. The hill city of the Cherusci would have been fortified with various walls and natural barriers. The city was razed to the ground after the battle and the site apparently abandoned. In the 1980s it revealed a treasure trove of archaeological evidence after it was found having been abandoned over 2200 years previously.
The battle itself is not depicted but it does show how the Suebii would have likely attacked the city. Two building foundations on a wall with evidence of a great fire seem to indicate at least two watchtowers that were destroyed. The sheer number of arrow heads that had hit the structures before they were consumed by fire indicate that flaming arrows were used. Chemical analysis of the wood indicates pitch would have been on the arrows. Apparently with great cunning the suebi burned the towers down before assaulting the walled city.
Of course the evidence of at least one ladder being burned by fire indicates that the fight for the walls of the city would have been bloody, smokey, hot, and ferocious. One can imagine a maelstrom of warriors clashing on the walls of the city. It would have been a phenomenal scene.
The route that the Suebi chose led them down a narrow part of the town surrounded by rocky cliffs. Many archaelogists call this the tunnel of death. Aptly named as a massive struggle to push back the defenders would have ensued.
The screams and agony would have been accompanied by the ringing of metal weapons. Archers from both sides would have punished the men pushing further behind the main line. The Suebi must have had the numbers and eventually the defenders would have been whittled down.
At some point someone on the losing side panics. Or someone takes a step back. As soon as that happens it spreads like a virus and soon all the defenders are in a panic and run away. The casualties on both sides would have been high. The fact that the defenders were in a unflankable position meant that they could make every man count.
A battle like this also shows the resolve of the Suebian warriors. They must have been exhausted during the fight and yet they pushed on. The payment for the city would have come at the price of blood. No doubt the Suebi would have wanted to take the riches of the Cheruscii people for themselves. It is apparent that that is exactly what they did and the result was the Cheruscii disappearing from the annals of history after this great battle.
![]()
The city of Flevum during this time was a modest but successful trading hub. One of the sites of the city, that was buried under water, has revealed many things about this particulare tribe. The Frisii were good metalsmith’s and traders. Coins found at the abandoned city site shows coins from Brittania, the Nervii, Arvernii, and Aeudii.Chapter 10: Frisii
Iron ingots discovered are also a metallurgical match to the iron from the tin isles. The lesser and greater tin Isles provided much metal for use in crafting various weapons and equipment. Tin and copper were found as well from the Tin Isles. We cannot be sure but it is reasonable the city could have been an amalgam of peoples both Celtic and Germanic.
These skills would have been renowned in this part of the world. In fact the control of this may have been the reason that the Frisii were attacked by both the Cimbrii and the Cheruscii. It is apparent, due to the lack of Cimbrian or Cheruscian artifacts, that these tribes were never able to beat the Frisii.
What can be assumed from a tribe that had superior metalworking skills is that they had superior weapons and armor. For the first time, chain mail, is discovered. Made of bronze it would have offered better protection than the leather or studded leather at the time. Several high quality swords were discovered as well with carbon infused into the blade transforming the blade from Iron to steel.
The battle of Flevum as historians call it occurred about five miles from the city itself in a flat area with houses dotting the landscape. There may have been small patches of trees but for the most part it was flat.
This archaeological site is still being studied today and the modern day city of Flevum covers a good chunk of the battlefield. The gravesites of the Frisii have been discovered but the Suebian gravesite was not discovered. We can only see one side of the battle and even that is not fully known as only a fraction of the dead would have been buried at the site.
What we do know is that the Frisii had warriors that were clad in better armor and their weapons appear to be superior. It is clear that they had an edge in that department. It is also reasonable to assume that since they fended off the Cheruscii and Cimbrii successfully then they would have had veteran warriors as well.
The details of the clash are sketchy but what is assumed is that the terrain yielded a traditional open field battle. With very little cover the two lines of men would have crashed into each other over a large distance, perhaps a mile or more. It is likely the Suebi outnumbered the Frisii, but the magnitude of that is not known. These types of confrontations would have been brutal and some places of the line would have done better than others. We don’t know if Chlodochar or Baldovin participated personally but their spears may have been needed to turn the battle. Casualties on both sides would have been high but at some point the Frisii were pushed beyond their limits. Numbers may have begun to take their toll on the Frisii.
Arrow heads discovered at the site show arrows from the Frisii, due to the metallurgical match with Tin Isles iron, and from the Suebi. Each side seemed to have proficient archers and this would have taken a toll.
The Frisii lost this battle but there is no indication of an extermination or the city being burned to the ground. What is lost to the annals of time is that of the possible betrayel by the Frisii to the Suebii.
It is widely assumed that the Suebi got entangled in a war with the Cimbri and Cheruscii in order to add the Frisii to the Suebian group of tribes. However at some point the Frisii would have likely reneged on their offer and then that would have been a terrible betrayal. Chlodochar would not have been able to ignore this or his influence would have waned for sure.
Evidence from the Daorsian scholars indicate that the Suebi now held sway from the east side of the Rhine all the way over to modern day Latvia. The Lugii it would seem are the only tribe still of Germanic language that have not been absorbed by the Suebii.
![]()
Yay more updates.
Time to gobble up the lugii
also better keep an eye on the iceni, They seem to be gobbling up the british isles.
(Been distracted with the recent release of ESO)
Edit: Woo 100 posts.
Congrats on on 100 PostsThe Lugii are not as much as a concern as a few other things. Plus the latest battle took a terrible toll on troops. Half of my army was wiped out in the battle against the Frisii. They had some advanced units that caused some serious mayhem. It will be several years before anything major happens. Hope you are enjoying ESO. I plan to dive in to that soon
![]()
The Anartii or Anartes tribe resided where the Dacians, Celts, and nomads all came together. They were part of the amber road and as a link in the chain north they controlled the flow of gold and amber through their territory. Located in modern Romania this tribe was no doubt made rich through this trade. It is unclear why it occurred but the Daorsi invaded the lands of the Anartes. It could have been for control of the Amber road or for other reasons. It is still not clear to this day.Chapter 11: Anartes
Following the battle of Flevum the Suebians apparently were not actively fighting other tribes. It seems that efforts were put into consolidating what they had. It was a relatively peaceful time along the Rhine River. Evidence of better roads, irrigation, and shrines to their gods are apparent. The population was also likely increasing as the toll of internal warfare diminished. Over the course of 20 years, the Suebi had united almost all the Germanic people north of the Danube and East of the Rhine. A large kingdom was certainly emerging as well as the emergence of the Suebi on the world stage.
The invasion however prompted a Suebian chieftain named Gerulf to organize an army and head into the area. His men were apparently determined to beat the Daorsi to the lucrative lands. So instead of the Daorsi absorbing the Anartes they were absorbed by the Suebi. The area was an amalgam of several different cultures including Germanic warriors.
A large battle was fought north of the Dniester River in Ukraine. Apparently the attempts of the Daorsi to cross it was thwarted and the Suebi arrived first. It is unclear whether the Suebi passed through the lands of the Lugii first or marched through the Hiercynia forest north of the Danube.
Regardless the Suebi beat the Daorsi to the punch and a great battle ensued. Celts, Germans, and mercenary Dacians all took part in the action. Archaeological findings support the fact that the chieftain Gerulf brought with him some new types of warriors. These warriors wore mail armor and others wore a type of white facepaint as evidenced by the paint found in their graves. Daorsian scouts that made it to the scene of the battle reported terrifying warriors that wore animal heads and wore black or white makeup. The Anartes apparently had plenty of cavalry but it made no difference in the outcome.
For the first time we have a recording by the Daorsian scouts that tells what happened during the battle. According to the scouts the two lines of warriors from each side lined up and began yelling at each other. As the battle lines were moved into position the archers of the Suebi moved forward. The missiles of the Suebian archers outdistanced the skirmishers of the Anartes which were mostly Celtic skirmishers. Here is the firsthand account of the anonymous scout:
“The Anartes charged forward as the archers continued their hail of fire upon the skirmishers and anyone else unlucky to get in the way. The left flank of the Suebi was smashed into by waves of cavalry but the front rank spearmen held their ground and began to systematically unhorse the riders. The brutes at the front also took the brunt of the javelins that the Anartes would throw at them.
The entire line of infantry was engaged in a bloody and loud fight. The second line of the Suebians consisted of men with small axes, swords, and some spears. Some were covered in a paint of white with black streaks on their faces and they chanted rhythmically as they slashed their swords. Other men had wolf heads of different colors and charged headlong into battle.
The generals seemed to be eager to rush into the fighting and the center of the line became a morass of men, blood, screams, and carnage. No clear winner could be seen until the Suebi on the right routed the Celtic swords they were facing.
A new threat emerged from behind the small village that the Suebians were using to anchor their left flank and the men from the right flank were ordered to move to the left to counter the new threat. Fast horsemen would run from one part of the line to the next and would pull groups of men and move them elsewhere.
Finally the fighting in the center stopped as one of the Anartes chieftains died. The center melted away and it wasn’t long before the left side, by the village broke as well.”
This account provides us with many clues as to how the Suebians conducted battle. It also tells us that other chieftains than Chlodochar were fighting. This could be a rival or could be a coordinated effort. What is known is that Chlodochar and Baldovin had their men south of Tulfurdum and were apparently prepared to head into the former Marcomanni territory and reclaim it from the Celtic Raitii.
![]()
Excellent AAR's as usual. I like the extra research you do and the historical revisions from a archaeologists standpoint. It's good to see the game's battles on extreme settings, with attention to details. Good work. I do hope you started this one un-modded so it doesn't get interrupted like the Epirot one. (Who I've always wanted to play, but I've played one Hellenistic too many for the time being)
AUTHOR OF TROY OF THE WESTERN SEA: LOVE AND CARNAGE UNDER THE RULE OF THE VANDAL KING, GENSERIC
THE BLACK-HEARTED LORDS OF THRACE: ODRYSIAN KINGDOM AAR
VANDALARIUS: A DARK AGES GOTHIC EMPIRE ATTILA AAR
I like, I like! Feels like I'm reading a real piece of history. + rep
The White Horse: Hanover AAR (On going ETW AAR)
Tales of Acamar: Legends WS Yearly Award Best Plot Winner (On-going CW Piece)
The Song of Asnurn: An Epic Poem MCWC VI Winner (On-hold CW Piece)
Tales of Acamar: Outbreak (Finished)
To Conquer the World for Islam A Moor AAR (Finished)