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    Default RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks







    Contents



    Introduction
    Greetings RTR fans. Our fifth preview is sure to excite those of you who have a soft spot for Hellenistic Greece. As you scroll down you'll first see part two of HamilcarBarca's excellent history of the Balkans. HB's History of the Balkans really sets the stage for the start of the RTR VII Grand Campaign(280BC) and it gives you an idea of the historical content and research that was put into this part of the map, a region which our historians felt was often overlooked but was deserving of an in-depth and as accurate as possible depiction.
    You will also see renders and in-game shots of six Greek factions that will appear in RTR VII. Enjoy!


    The Balkans Part Two

    The Balkans 359-277 BC: Macedonia, Thrace, Illyria and Celtic migration and invasion (Part Two)

    The expansion of the Autariatae, c. 335-310 BC
    The weakening of the Triballi and Dardanians by Philip II and Alexander the Great during their reigns (359-323 BC) was probably a key factor in the expansion of the Autariatae in the Central Balkans during the years 335-310 BC.

    The Autariatae were an Illyrian tribe. Of all the Central Balkan peoples they had the least contact with the Graeco-Macedonian world. That is why we know so little about them. When in the year 335 BC Alexander the Great was returning from the Danube to Macedonia, he had never heard of them. This detail, which comes from Ptolemy, is sufficient to convince us that up to that time the Autariatae had had no contact with Macedonia. After 335 BC, information about the Autariatae is largely concerned with their migration on account of a plague of frogs. At the beginning of the third century BC all trace of them is lost. There remains only the tradition that they were the greatest and most powerful Illyrian tribe and that at one time they even ruled over the Triballi and other Illyrian and Thracian tribes.

    The Autariatae were north-eastern neighbours of the Ardiaei and western neighbours of the Dardanians. By 335 BC the Autariatae had occupied the whole area from the Lim and the Tara on the south, where they marched with the Ardiaei – to the Western Morava on the north, where they were neighbours of the Dardanians and Triballi. The name of the river Tara has been connected with that of the Autariatae. The Autariatae came into the Serbian area as early as the fifth century BC, bearers of an Illyrian culture. In the period between 335-311 BC it seems that the Autariatae expanded their territory, largely at the expense of their eastern neighbours, the Thracian Triballi. In fact, it seems that the Autariatae, after they had reduced the Triballi, were themselves overcome by the Celtic Scordisci (cf. Strabo, 7.5.11). Papazoglu believes that the name Autariatae was used not as the name of a particular tribe, but as a collective name to indicate an indefinite number of unknown tribes, all those tribes who lived deep in the interior of the Illyrian lands, beyond the Ardiaei and Dardanians. The limited area to which the name “Illyrians” was applied by Hellenistic sources would speak in favour of this notion.

    The territory on which the Celtic Scordisci settled at the beginning of the third century BC largely belonged to the Autariatae, whether they had held it from ancient times, or they had recently seized it from the Triballi. Lastly, the closeness of the Autariatae and Triballi to each other makes their plan to attack Alexander on his return from the Danube appear more comprehensible. It is likely that the Autariatae were even then thinking of infringing Triballian territory and descending the Southern Morava valley towards the land of the Agrianes and Paionia.

    According to Strabo, “the Autariatae were at one time the greatest and most powerful Illyrian people.” This description of them certainly refers to the time when, as Strabo says a little further on, “having subdued the Triballi, who extended from the Agrianes to the Istrus, a journey of fifteen days, they overcame other Thracians and Illyrians” (7.5.11).

    Two facts support the conclusion that the conquest of Triballian territory by the Autariatae happened after Alexander’s expedition to the Danube. 1. the Triballi, against whom Alexander thought it necessary to safeguard Macedonia before he ventured on the long expedition against the Persians, were still in his time the powerful people who had been able to challenge Philip; 2. the Autariatae in 335 BC were in their own country. It may be that it was just Alexander’s victory over the heretofore greatest people in the Central Balkans which became the reason for the Autariatae to set out and overrun the land of their eastern neighbours. Up to that time peaceful, they now developed great military strength and subdued not only the Triballi but also other neighbouring tribes.

    We have no reason to assume that the Autariatae occupied the whole territory of the Triballi, and that they spread eastwards to the river Isker. On the contrary, Strabo’s note on the conflict of the Autariatae with the Scordisci leads to the belief that only the western half of the Triballian lands were covered by the Autariatae expansion. The Scordisci settled, as we know, after the Celtic defeat at Delphi in 279 BC, along the Danube on both sides of the Great Morava. In this region they overcame the Autariatae, who had previously driven the Triballi out of it, or at least out of the eastern part of it.

    The Autariatae, then, took the place of the Triballi as the leading people in the northern part of the Central Balkans. What was the extent of their hegemony, it is impossible to say. We do not know what other tribes or what region Strabo is thinking of when he says that the Autariatae “also overcame other Thracians and Illyrians”. The information about their control over a distance of 15 days’ march causes particular difficulty, for it is not clear whether it should be applied to the Triballi, meaning that Triballian territory had that extent, or to the Autariatae. Probably the detail about the twenty-three days’ journey which the Autariatae undertook to the land of the Getai derives from another source. In any case, the expansion of the Autariatae was not only towards the east, but also towards the south, along the Southern Morava valley, in the direction of Paionia.

    The good fortune of the Autariatae was of short duration. Twenty years after Alexander’s return from the Danube their country underwent a great disaster: it was struck by such a plague of frogs that the inhabitants had to flee and seek new homes. That was the beginning of the decline of the Autariatae.
    The Diadochi (‘The Successors’)
    Following the death of Alexander the Great in Babylon 323 BC, his vast empire was inherited by his most powerful generals, the Diadochi or ‘Successors’. Antipater was one of these, and in alliance with Ptolemy Lagos, satrap of Egypt, and Antigonos I Monophthalmus ("the One-eyed", so called from his having lost an eye), the satrap of Phrygia & Lydia, he defeated the royal Argead regent Perdikkas and his chief supporters Eumenes of Kardia and Seleukos of Babylon. With Perdikkas dead and Eumenes on the run, Antipater succeeded in 321 BC in establishing himself as the official regent for Alexander’s infant son King Alexander IV.

    Leaving Antigonos Monophthalmus as regent in Asia, with responsibility to pursue the ‘rebel’ Eumenes of Cardia, Antipater returned to Macedon with both the infant son and idiot half-brother of Alexander the Great in his custody. Ptolemy Lagos was confirmed as satrap of Egypt, and he ruled its wealth and armies in the manner of an autonomous ruler.

    The region of ‘Thrace’ seems to have been now designated a satrapy, on the Persian administrative model, and awarded to the Macedonian general Lysimachos (c. 361-281 BC) on the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC. “When the provinces were divided between his [Alexander’s] Successors, perhaps the most intractable people of all were assigned to the sturdiest among them” (Justin, 15.3.15). While Lysimachos succeeded in maintaining his authority on the West Pontic and Aegean coastlines, the interior fell under the control of native kingdoms, such as the Getai and King Suethes III of the Odyrisai, while the Triballi and Dardanians ceased to be even notional tributaries to the Macedonian kingdom.

    Antipater died in 320 BC, and in the ensuing period the Diadochi proceeded to declare themselves “royal” and found their own Macedonian dynasties. Antipater’s son Kassandros (305-297 BC) proceeded to ruthlessly establish himself as King of Macedon, executing or murdering the last remaining members of the Argead dynasty; Alexander the Great’s mother Olympia was executed in 316; Alexander’s wife and infant son, Roxanna and Alexander IV, were both murdered in 310/309; and Alexander’s mistress Barsine and illegitimate son Herakles were both murdered in 309 BC. In this way Kassandros seized the throne of Macedon, and founded the Antipatrid dynasty (named after his father Antipater).

    Following the death of Antipater, the greatest of the Successors was Antigonos Monophthalmus, who, as regent of Asia, had established his authority from Syria to Mesopotamia to India. By 317 BC Antigonos Monophthalmus had defeated Eumenes of Kardia and driven Seleukos from Babylon, and he now commanded enormous resources, including a powerful army and fleet, the wealth of Alexander’s treasuries , and the entire territory of the former Persian Empire, excepting only Egypt.
    Ptolemy in Egypt, Kassandros in Macedonia, and Lysimachos in Thrace, all soon began to fear the growing power of Antigonos Monophthalmus. They delivered an ultimatum to Antigonos in 315 BC that he must share his wealth with them, and triggered the Third Diadoch War (315-311 BC). Antigonos emerged from this conflict strengthened, his fleet dominating the eastern Mediterranean, and his enemies divided.

    Division of Alexander’s Empire, Second Diadoch War (315-301 BC)
    In 311 BC the former satrap of Babylon, Seleukos, succeeded in re-establishing himself in Mesopotamia, and his authority was recognized throughout the upper satrapies of the empire. Seleukos withstood the attacks of Antigonos Monophthalmus throughout 310-308 BC, and established himself as one of the Diadochi.

    King Lysimachos of Thrace
    Agathokles, Lysimachos’ father, possibly a Thessalian, was granted lands and position by King Philip II. Certainly Lysimachos (c. 361-281 B.C.) was described as both Thessalian and Macedonian; Arrian (6.28.4) says that he was from Pella, so we can assume that, wherever he was from originally, he was brought up and educated at the Macedonian capital.

    We hear nothing of him, however, until quite late in Alexander’s history. Arrian makes no mention of him, indeed, until the crossing of the Hydaspes, when he is first revealed as being one of the somatophylakes (5.13.1); and during the whole of the Indian campaign Arrian only mentions him once more, as receiving a wound at the siege of Sangala (5.24.5). In fact, he is mentioned by Arrian only three more times – when all the somatophylakes are honoured at Susa (6.28.4); when he receives Calanus’ funeral horse, and is described as one of the sage’s students (7.3.4); and in a prediction of the future, when Arrian says that he fought in league with Seleukos at the battle of Ipsus (7.18.5).

    What little else we learn of Lysimachos during Alexander’s lifetime comes from the vulgate sources. He appears first in Curtius during the great hunt at Bazaira, when he seeks to protect Alexander from a lion (QC 8.1.11-19). At this time Curtius mentions a story that once Alexander had him thrown to a lion – although the writer doesn’t believe it himself. However, it clearly was a popular story, as it turns up not only in Justin (see below), but also in the writings of Pausanias, Seneca (‘On Anger’ and ‘On Mercy’), in Valerius Maximus and in Pliny.

    During the Cleitus episode, Lysimachos is listed by Curtius as being one of those who sought to restrain Alexander. Although not listed by other writers, Curtius says that he collaborated with Leonnatos in taking the spear away from Alexander, with which the king initially attempted to attack Cleitus (QC8.1.45-47).
    The only other story we know of Lysimachos from Alexander’s lifetime comes from Justin, who says that he was well-disposed towards Callisthenes, and even tried to assist the prisoner’s death by giving him poison. It was as punishment for this act that Justin relates the story of Alexander throwing him to a lion (Justin 15.3). He was well-known for his interest in philosophy, certainly – as well as his interest in Calanus, which Arrian notes, when he became a king he was known for inviting philosophers to his court. (It should be noted that Plutarch’s comment – ‘Life of Alexander’, 55.1 - that Lysimachus was one of those who spoke against Callisthenes is almost certainly referring to a different Lysimachos).

    As well as being a lover of philosophy, Lysimachos appears to have been a reasonably gifted general, although he didn’t receive many opportunities to show his talent under Alexander. Frontinus singles him out for mention (‘Strategems’ 1.5.11). Aelian, as far as his testimony can be trusted, indicates that Alexander was jealous of his strategic prowess (Varia Historia 12.16, 14.47a). He was also cruel and mean (Plutarch, ‘Moralia’, 633A–B; see also Athenaeus, ‘The Deipnosophists’, 6.246e); and arrogant, albeit no more so than many others (Plutarch, ‘Moralia’, 333D-345B). But he appears to have been pious, too, in his own way – Strabo mentions that of all Alexander’s successors he was the only one who took any interest in and care of Troy (13.1.26). He seems also to have engendered some great loyalties, as more than one writer mentioned how his dog leaped onto his funeral pyre in order to share his death – the Greyfriars Bobby of the ancient world.

    Following Alexander's death he became governor of Thrace (QC 10.10.1-4; Justin 13.4). He arrived in his province in the spring of 322 and soon succeeded in establishing effective control over the strategically important area comprising the littoral of Aegean Thrace as far as Nestus in the west, the Thracian Chersonesos and the Northern Propontis in the east (although Byzantion remained independent), and at least a part of the West Pontic littoral. The Macedonian province was a contracted version of Philip’s territories (Paus. 1.9.5), but by how much is unclear.

    After Perdikkas had rejected the hand of Antipater’s daughter Nicaea, Lysimachos married her and in 315 BC he joined the coalition of Ptolemy of Egypt, Seleukos I Nikator of Babylon, and King Kassandros of Macedon against King Antigonos I Monophthalmus.

    Lysimachos (305-281 B.C.) Silver Tetradrachm, Lampsacus mint
    Weight 16.3 g. Diameter 31 mm; Obverse: Head of the deified Alexander the Great right wearing horn of Ammon struck in high relief. Reverse: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΥΣΙΜΑXΟΥ and KA monogram. Helmeted goddess Athena Nikephoros enthroned left, her right hand extended holding winged Nike crowning Lysimachus' name, leaning on a shield below her propped against throne, transverse spear in background.

    For many years Lysimachos was obliged to occupy himself in pacifying his territory in Thrace. The determined resistance of the Odyrisian king Suethes III, who had already won his practical independence in the previous years, prevented him, however, from expanding his domination over the deeper interior of the country (Diod. 18.14.2-4; Arr. Succ. 10). The extant sources offer no evidence about the initial advance of Lysimachos to the north of the Haemus, but his early activities here must also have been restricted mainly to the coastal area with its Greek cities which were both politically and economically of primary importance. Probably established in his early years in Thrace, Lysimachean control over the Pontic cities was maintained with military garrisons which were expelled when the cities revolted in 313 BC (Diod. 19.73.1). Diodorus mentions Kallatis, the instigator and leader of the revolt, Odessus, Istros, and other unspecified “other cities” among which Tomis and Dionysopolis should be placed together with some minor cities of the area like Bizone. The notice in Strabo (7.6.11) that Lysimachos kept his treasury in the inaccessible fortress on Tirizis Acra (Cape Kaliakra) remains chronologically uncertain and could refer to later years. It is, however, perfectly possible for the rocky cape with its natural defences and strategic position half-way between the Haemus and the Danube delta to have become from the very start a permanent power-base and maybe the main centre of Lysimachean rule over the whole area.

    The revolt of the Pontic cities occurred during the Third Diadochi War (315-311 BC), in which Kassander, Ptolemy, Seleukos and Lysimachos united their forces against Antigonos I Monophthalmus, and it may have been instigated by the latter’s diplomacy (it was at the time that Antigonos raised the slogan of Hellenic freedom). According to the detailed account of Diodorus (19.73.1-8) the Kallatians were first to rise and expel the garrison of Lysimachos, regaining their autonomy. They also helped the other Greek cities of the area to break free and formed with them a military alliance, into which the “neighbouring Thracians and Scythians” were also drawn.

    When he learnt of the revolt of the Pontic cities, Lysimachos immediately crossed the Haemus with his army, attacked successively Odessus and Istros, and forced both cities to capitulate, then besieged Kallatis. On the belated arrival of the Thracian and Scythian allies he succeeded in making the former change sides and then defeated the Scythians in battle. Antigonos, in the meantime, had sent a land force and a fleet to help the Kallatians, and Lysimachos, leaving a part of his army to maintain the siege of the city, hastened back across the Haemus and beat in separate battles both the Odrysian king Suethes (who had deserted to Antigonos), and the latter’s general Pausanias. The subsequent fate of Kallatis remains uncertain; although according to the clauses of the peace treaty of 311 BC (Diod. 19.106.1) Lysimachos was obliged to grant freedom and independence to all Greek cities in his domain, the evidence of Diodorus that a thousand Kallatian refugees were settled by the Bosporan king Eumelus, who reigned between 310/09 and 304/03 BC (Diod. 20.25.1), suggests that the military operations against the mutinous colony had continued over the next few years.

    In 309/308 BC Lysimachos founded his capital of Lysimacheia, in the Thracian Chersonesos, and in 306 BC he declared himself ‘King’, and like the other Diadochi abandoned all pretence of being loyal to a wider Macedonian empire. Nevertheless, significant components of Lysimachos’ kingdom remained autonomous and effectively independent, including the kingdoms of the Odrysai and Bithyni (where the local ruler Zipoetes declared himself an independent ‘King’ in 294 BC).
    In 302 BC Lysimachos launched a perfectly timed surprise invasion of Asia Minor, with a large army of 44,000 foot and 3,000 cavalry, challenging the power of Antigonos. At this time Lysimachos married Amastris, the queen of the wealthy Greek city of Herakleia Pontike, and added its strength to his own. In the following year he effected a junction of his forces with King Seleukos to defeat and kill Antigonos at Ipsus. Lysimachos was the principal beneficiary of the partition of Antigonos' territories which followed the battle. In addition to his holdings in Thrace, Lysimachos acquired extensive new dominions in western and central Asia Minor, shutting out Seleukos from the western seaboard – and thus sowed the seeds of future conflict.

    Although the formidable Antigonos I Monophthalmus was killed at Ipsos, his son Demetrius I fought on from remaining Antigonid bases in Greece, Asia Minor and the Aegean Sea. Demetrius I was known as “Poliorcetes” ("The Besieger"), because of his famous siege of Rhodes in 305-304 BC. Lysimachos’ eldest son and heir Agathokles successfully led his father’s army against Poliorcetes, subjugating western Asia Minor, and adding the Greek cities of Ionia to his father’s kingdom.

    The coming of the Celts: Kassander and the migration of the Autariatae
    The good fortune of the Autariatae following the Macedonian military campaigns against the Thracians, Triballi, Getai, Dardanians and Illyrians was of short duration. Twenty years after Alexander’s return from the Danube their country underwent a great disaster: it was struck by such a plague of frogs that the inhabitants had to flee and seek new homes. Ancient sources enable us to place the Autariatae migration caused by the plague of frogs in a definite historical setting.

    In describing the events of 310 BC, Diodorus writes: “In Macedonia Kassander, going to the help of the Paionian king Audelon, who was at war with the Autariatae, saved him from danger, but the Autariatae with the women and children who accompanied them – were about twenty thousand of them – he settled beside the mountain called Orbelus” (20.19.1). In Justin we find the account of the frogs as the cause of the Autariatae migration combined with the information about Kassander’s contact with the Autariatae. “Returning from Apollonia, Kassander came upon the Autariatae who, as they had just left their country because of a plague of frogs and rats, were seeking new settlements; fearing that they would occupy Macedonia, he made a treaty with them and adopted them as allies, and gave them land on the very border of Macedonia” (15.2.1; cf. Oros. 3.23, 26).

    As king of Macedonia, Kassander was preoccupied with the defence of his borders. This was a hallmark of the Antipatrid dynasty: its founder Antipater had ruled Macedonia and Greece, and never participated in Alexander’s expedition against Asia. Kassander was obliged to spend his energies against Illyrians, Greeks and Epriotes – just as Philip II’s predecessors had. Kassander fought for bases on the Illyrian coast with king Glaucias who, having conquered the whole of southern Illyria, had grown so powerful that he came to grips with Macedonia. In 314 Kassander seized Apollonia, overcame Glaucias and also took Epidamnus. Leaving a strong garrison, he then withdrew, and Glaucias attempted, but without success, to re-take Apollonia. In 312 the Korkyrans drove out the Macedonian garrisons from the two Greek cities: Apollonia was then declared free, and Epidamnus was handed over to king Glaucias. That year Kassander returned to Illyria with the intention of recapturing Apollonia, but he suffered a heavy defeat, after which he never went there again.

    Macedonia was once more struggling to dominate her own borders.

    In 310 BC about twenty thousand Autariatae refugees broke into Paionia and then, by agreement with Kassander, settled around Mount Orbelus. The homeland of the Autariatae had suffered a natural disaster – flood and famine, with plagues of frogs and rats – and starving Autariatae refugees migrated into the southern Balkans. We know that Kassander later fought Celtic raiders somewhere in the region of the Haemus Mountains in 298 BC (Pliny, 31.5; Paus. 10.19.5). Perhaps Celtic raiders were already threatening the Central Balkans, in search of booty and slaves, adding to the tribulations of the Autariatae. It was only two decades later that the Celts were to sweep over the whole Balkan Peninsula in great hordes.

    Autariatae mercenaries appear in the army of Lysimachos at this time. According to Diodorus, in the winter of 302/301 BC, on the eve of the great battle at Ipsos, when the armies of Lysimachos and Kassander were already gathered in Asia Minor, “some of Lysimachos’ soldiers – two thousand Autariatae and about eight hundred Lycians and Pamphylians – fled from their winter quarters to Antigonos. Antigonos, behaving himself with humanity towards them, gave them the pay which they said Lysimachos owed them, and also honoured them with gifts” (20.113.3). Not quite as chronologically precise is the note we read in Polyaenus’ Stratagems: “When the Autariatae, in the battle against Demetrius at Lampascus, lost all their train and baggage, Lysimachos, fearing lest the barbarians should revolt because they had lost all their possessions, led them out of the camp as if to deal out corn and at a given signal had them all slaughtered. There were five thousand men” (4.12.1).

    How did these Autariatae come to be in Lysimachos’ camp? As far as I know, Papazoglu was the first historian to ask that question. We do not know where Lysimachos’ western border lay, but it certainly could not have included the lands where the Autariatae lived before they moved to the lower Danube. Mount Orbelus was outside Lysimachos territory, judging by the fact that it was Kassander who settled the fugitive Autariatae in its vicinity. The only way to explain the presence of Autariatae in Lysimachos’ army is the hypothesis that he came into contact with them on the lower Danube, in the course of his two Getic expeditions.
    On the lower Danube, in the lands of the Getai, Lysimachos came across the Autariatae, who had recently migrated from their distant homeland to these barren regions and whom it was certainly not difficult to persuade to become mercenaries, in view of the disasters which they had suffered, and the hard living conditions on their new homes. The retreat of the Autariatae from the Morava valley to the lower Danube had occurred in the years after 310 BC, after an elemental disaster had overtaken their country, and because of the appearance of the Celts in the Central Balkans. According to Strabo, the Autariatae “were first conquered by the Scordisci, and then by the Romans, who, also conquered the Scordisci themselves, who had been powerful for a long time” (7.5.11). This piece of information reveals the causes of the decline and disappearance of the once mighty tribes: internecine wars, and wars with the Romans. The Autariatae who remained in the land and survived the great disaster which struck them about the years 310 BC, were a few decades later exposed to the attacks of the Scordisci, who, retreating from Greece, came to settle about the confluence of the Save and Danube. This is indeed the last historical evidence which has been preserved about the Autariatae.

    The Antipatrid dynasty did not survive long. King Kassanders died of dropsy in 297 BC, and his heir Philip IV died after only a few months on the throne. Kassanders’ two remaining sons, Alexander V and Antipater II, then quarrelled over the succession. Antipater II murdered his mother Thessalonice (half-sister to Alexander the Great) and expelled his elder brother, Alexander V, from the kingdom. Now an exile, Alexander V turned to King Pyrrhos of Epiros and King Demetrius I Poliorcetes (337-283 BC, Greek: Δημήτριος), head of the Antigonid dynasty since the death of his father King Antigonus I Monophthalmus at the battle of Ipsos in 301 BC.

    The ruthless King Demetrius I Poliorcetes proceeded to overthrow Antipater II, and then betray Alexander V, and instead seize the Kingdom of Macedon for himself. Once again an exile, Alexander V fled to safety to the court of Lysimachos, who now styled himself ‘King of Thrace’. The ruthless Lysimachos quickly reached an accord with Poliorcetes, however, and recognised him as King of Macedon, sealing the pact by executing Alexander V, and ending the Antipatrid dynasty founded by Antipater.

    Thereafter an uneasy peace existed in the region, as King Pyrrhos of Epiros, King Demtrius I Poliorcetes of Macedon and King Lysimachos of Thrace all sought to expand at one another’s expense.
    King Lysimachos and the Getai
    Following the revolt of the West Pontic cities in 313 BC, the next we hear of Lysimachos in the north of Thrace is connected to the wars between him and Dromichaetes, the king of the Getai. The evidence available about these wars, although attested in a number of ancient authors , remains incomplete and contradictory. The two fragments of Diodorus that offer the most detailed account of the events suggest two campaigns: during the first the Getai captured Agathokles the son of Lysimachos, but later set him free with many gifts in order to ensure the peaceful return of occupied territories (Diod. 21, frg. 11); during the second Lysimachos himself was taken prisoner with his whole army, and then released under similar conditions (Diod. 21. frg. 12). A passage in Pausanias which mentions the two occasions (the capture of Agathokles and that of Lysimachos himself by the Getai) seems to imply, however, that they are just parallel versions of one and the same event.

    Then Lysimachos made war against his neighbours, first the Odrysae, secondly the Getae and Dromichaetes. Engaging with men not unversed in warfare and far his superiors in number, he himself escaped from a position of extreme danger, but his son Agathokles, who was serving with him then for the first time, was taken prisoner by the Getae. Lysimachos met with other reverses afterwards, and attaching great importance to the capture of his son made peace with Dromichaetes, yielding to the Getic king the parts of his empire beyond the Ister (Danube), and, chiefly under compulsion, giving him his daughter in marriage. Others say that not Agathokles but Lysimachos himself was taken prisoner, regaining his liberty when Agathokles treated with the king on his behalf. On his return he married to Agathokles Lysandra, the daughter of Ptolemy, son of Lagus, and of Eurydike”(1.9.6).

    The likely hypothetical reconstruction of the first Getic war is that in c. 297 BC Lysimachos led a punitive expedition into Getai territory, when Agathokles “was serving with him… for the first time”. During the campaign against the Getai, who were not “unversed in warfare and far his superior in number”, Lysimachos was drawn into a dangerous situation and narrowly escaped, while his son Agathokles was taken prisoner. The Getai subsequently inflicted other defeats, but as the overall strategic position had changed with the agreement of the kings after Ipsos, they lost hope of a military victory and treated with Lysimachos, setting his son free “with many gifts” in order to receive back the disputed lands – “that part of their territory which Lysimachos had seized”. According to Pausanias, these lands were across the Danube; he also mentions the marriage of Dromichaetes to an anonymous daughter of Lysimachos, in all probability one born from the marriage with Nicaea, the daughter of Antipater.

    The causes of the second Getic war between Lysimachos and Dromichaetes are vague; they were probably connected with the results of the previous war which must have been unfavourable for Lysimachos, who was obliged to make concessions to the king of the Getai in order to obtain the liberation of his son. This reconstruction suggests a planned and prepared invasion by Lysimachos into the lands of the Getai, but did the whole conflict begin with his expedition, or was it the reaction of Lysimachos to a Getic incursion in the coastal territories under his control? The latter is plausible in view of the wider political situation – between the hard campaign of 296-294 BC against the cities in Asia Minor held then by Demetrius I Poliorcetes and the outburst of the crisis around the Macedonian heritage it would have been unwise for Lysimachos to divert his attention – and forces – to the far north. Some authors have even suggested the probable interference of Demetrius I Poliorcetes, who would not have missed an opportunity to provoke or promote the conflict by encouraging a Getic attack on Lysimachos which suitably assured him of operational freedom in Macedonia.

    In 293/92 BC Lysimachos certainly launched a large-scale military invasion into the territory of the Getai. His Thracian enemy likely evaded a direct encounter; Polyaenus has preserved the story about Suethes, a general (strategos) of king Dromichaetes, who presented himself as a deserter and deceived Lysimachos, led him into difficult terrain, and thus decided the outcome of the whole war (Poly. Strat. 7.25). Tormented by hunger and thirst, and attacked by king Dromichaetes, the army of Lysimachos found itself locked in a desperate situation and the king had to surrender (Diod. 21.12.3-6). According to the fragment of Diodorus, although advised to run away, Lysimachos refused to desert his soldiers and friends and was taken prisoner with his whole train and whole army (21.12.1). The news of Lysimachos’ captivity then tempted Demetrios Poliorcetes into a full-scale invasion of Thrace; he evidently counted on an easy victory in a country deprived of both its army and government (Plut. Demetr. 39.6), but the anti-Antigonid uprising that broke out in Boeotia (Plut. Demetr. 39.6ff; Diod. 21.14) and the report about the expedient liberation of Lysimachos by Dromichaetes (Diod. 21.12.3-6; Strabo 7.3.8; Plut. Demetr. 39.6) induced him to turn back.

    The incursion of Demetrios into Thrace could well have been the real reason for the prompt and easy liberation of Lysimachos by the Getai.

    Diodorus reports that following the capture of Lysimachos, the king of the Getai Dromichaetes accepted him kindly and transferred him together with his children to the city of Helis (Diod. 21.12.1); he succeeded in persuading his compatriots, at first bent on revenge, that the release of the captured enemy would bring them greater political profits than his punishment (21.12.3), and, setting a feast, at which he demonstrated figuratively, in the different furniture, tableware, and food the poverty and barbarian ways of his people, he proceeded to crown Lysimachos with a wreath and then set him free, after receiving assurances of future friendship and loyalty (Diod. 21.12.4-6; Strabo 7.3.8). The terms of the peace thus concluded between Lysimachos and Dromichaetes also remain rather vague. The only known stipulation was the return of some Getic fortified places of unspecified location which Lysimachos had occupied either during this campaign, or long before (Diod. 21.12.3, 6). The retention of hostages by the Getai seems a probable precaution to secure the implementation of the treaty; this must have been the case with Clearchus, the son of the Heraklian tyrant Dionysius and his Persian wife Amastris, who is known to have remained in Getic custody after the liberation of Lysimachos. The main clauses of the treaty must have dealt with the legitimate recognition of Dromichaetes and his kingdom and with territorial and economic questions of which we remain absolutely ignorant.

    Thereafter, the Getai remained independent, and Lysimachos turned his attentions to the south.

    Lysimachos remained a dangerous neighbour, but he now looked for easier prey. In Polyaenus’ collections of stratagems the story is preserved of how Lysimachos deceived Ariston, the son of the Paionian king Audoleon, and made use of him to penetrate into Paionia in 288 BC. Lysimachos brought the young prince into the country on the pretext of returning him to his father’s throne. But in the course of the traditional coronation festivities on the river Astibus (Bregalnica) military trumpets suddenly rang out. Ariston saved himself by flight and sought refuge in the land of the Dardanians, and Lysimachos seized Paionia (Polyaen. 4.12.3).

    Finally, in late 288 BC, Lysimachos and King Pyrrhos of Epiros launched a joint invasion of Macedonia, and expelled King Demetrius I Poliorcetes. The victors partitioned Macedon between them. In 286/85 BC the wily Lysimachos betrayed his accomplice, and expelled Pyrrhos from western Macedonia, making himself the sole ruler, and uniting the Kingdom of Macedon with his existing possessions in Thrace and Paionia. Lysimachos was able to exploit his own reputation as a companion of Alexander the Great to secure the loyalty of the Macedonian army, undermining his rival by portraying Pyrrhos as an Epirote “foreigner” and upstart.

    Lysimachos was now at the zenith of his power, the King of Macedon and Thrace, ruler of Paionia, and king of western Asia-Minor (including Herakleia Pontike).
    The Getai
    Some authors have placed the kingdom of the Getai specifically in the Bessarabian steppe, between the Danube delta and the Dniester, with the occasional addition of adjacent areas in the forest steppe zone of Moldavia, in north-eastern Muntenia or across the Danube in Dobruja. Others have defended a location in the Wallachian Plain, either in the Baragan steppe and elsewhere in eastern Muntenia, or further west around the Arges valley. Unfortunately, neither the ancient sources or archaeology confirm beyond dispute any of these theories. The Bessarabian version is at variance with the evidence of a traditionally strong Scythian presence in the area in the fifth and fourth centuries BC, and the lowlands of the Wallachian Plain crossed by numerous rivers are far from the desert area described in the sources.

    The early sources unanimously place the Getai between the Haemus and the Istrus (Danube), and near the Pontic coast. Their name appears for the first time in the account of the Scythian expedition of Darius in Herodotus, who says they offered resistance to the king, were defeated, and then forced to escort the Persian army (4.93, 96). Later, the Odrysians from Southern Thrace managed to impose their domination over the battered Getai; this was certainly a fact during the rule of king Sitalkes in the third quarter of the fifth century (Hdt. 4.80; Thuc. 2.96.1, 97.1-2, 98.4), but the beginning of Odrysian rule must rather be associated with Teres the father of Sitalkes “who was the first to establish for the Odrysian a large kingdom over much of the rest of Thrace” (Thuc. 2.29.2-3; cf. Hdt. 4.80). We are ignorant of the details of the events and of the real character of the Odrysian domination over the Getai, the probable imposition of a tax (Thuc. 2.97.3) and the certain obligation of military support on demand (2.96.1, 98.4) leave wide scope for the relative independence of the ‘paradynasts’ who might be local or imposed Odrysian princes. It is important to note that Thucydides mentions explicitly other tribes alongside the Getai in the area (2.96.1-2); among these might be the Crobyzi and Terizi who were known to Hecataeus, Herodotus, and Hellanicus , if they were not (as it is often presumed) constituent tribes of the Getai themselves. The internal tribal and political geography of the region remains, however, as ambiguous as the obscure details of historical events.

    The fall of King Lysimachos, 284-281 BC
    But the aged King Lysimachos swiftly fell from power. His royal court at Lysimacheia was split by a vicious factional quarrel in the 280s. One faction was led by Lysimachos’ new and ambitious queen Arsinoe, the daughter of King Ptolemy I Lagos and Berenice of Egypt. Opposed to Arsinoe was Lysimachos’ eldest son and heir Agathokles. Agathokles was married to Lysandra, a daughter of Ptolemy I and Eurydike; Eurydike was a daughter of Antipater. Agathokles had earlier distinguished himself in the war of 296-294 BC in Asia-Minor against Demetrius I Poliorcetes. A prominent member of Agathocles’ circle was the exile Ptolemy Keraunos (“Keraunos” = “thunderbolt”), the eldest son of Ptolemy I and Eurydike, and therefore Lysandra’s full brother and Arsinoe’s half-brother. Ptolemy Keraunos had been Ptolemy’s heir until 285 BC, when he was disinherited in favour of his younger half-brother Ptolemy II Philadelphus (son of Bernice).

    Family Tree of Arsinoe
    The trigger for this quarrel was the decision of Ptolemy I of Egypt in 285 BC to install his son by Bernice, Ptolemy II, as his co-ruler and heir (Paus. 1.6.8; Porphyry F 2(2)). The mother of Ptolemy II was Berenice, whereas Lysandra and Ptolemy Keraunos were born to Ptolemy I by Eurydike. This changed the status of Arsinoe at the court of Lysimachos in Sardeis, as she was now sister to the future ruler of Egypt, whereas the line of Eurydike had no political importance at all. If Agathokles came to power, he would have had no family connections to the mighty Ptolemaic dynasty – the most important international ally of King Lysimachos.

    One consequence was the departure of Amastris to the kingdom of her previous husband, Herakleia Pontike. Another was the adjustment of the royal succession by Lysimachos, which led to conflict with his son Agathokles. Arsinoe aimed to supplant Agathokles, and install her own son by Lysimachos as the heir to the kingdom. Agathokles’ wife Lysandra and brother-in-law Ptolemy Keraunos were the children of Ptolemy I and the disgraced Eurydike. In this manner Lysimachos’ royal court became the battleground for the children of Ptolemy I.

    These factional divisions at Lysimacheia came to a head in 284 BC, with Agathokles accused of treason by his step-mother Arsinoe II, and soon executed by his father. This deed led to a revolt against Lysimachos; the widow of Agathokles, Lysandra, and her brother Ptolemy Keraunos fled into exile at the court of King Seleukos I Nikator (358-281 BC) at Babylon. The powerful eunuch Philetaerus deserted the cause of his master Lysimachos, and thereafter held Pergamon (where Lysimachos had placed his treasury of 9,000 talents) in the name of Lysandra. Seleukos I Nikator may well have seduced Ptolemy Keraunos with the lure of supporting him for a later bid for the throne of Egypt; Ptolemy II Philadelphus (Greek: Πτολεμαῖος Φιλάδελφος) had only inherited the throne from his father in 281 BC.

    The downfall and death of King Lysimachos directly followed the execution of his eldest son and heir Agathokles. The murder of Agathokles resulted in Lysimachos’ loss of support, precipitating his final defeat at the battle of Corupedium, in Lydia, in 281 BC at the hands of his rival King Seleukos I Nikator. Seleukos I Nikator now held the whole of Alexander's conquests excepting Egypt in his hands, and moved to take possession of Macedonia and Thrace. He intended to leave Asia to his eldest son Antiochos, and content himself for the remainder of his days as King of Macedon. Shortly after Seleukos I Nikator crossed the Hellespont, into the Chersonesos, he was set upon and murdered by Ptolemy Keraunos, who was in his travelling party.

    Lysimachos’ ‘kingdom’, encompassing Thrace, Macedon and most of Asia-Minor, now fell into chaos. While rival Macedonian dynasts fought for supremacy in Macedon, several Greek city-states (i.e. Kallatis, Istros, Byzantion, Herakleia Pontike) and native rulers (Bithynia, Odrysai) that had previously been subject to King Lysimachos now took the opportunity to assert their independence.
    Ptolemy Keraunos as King of Macedon, 281-279 BC
    The coup of Ptolemy Keraunos was thorough. After murdering Seleukos I Nikator, he rushed to the camp of the army, and declared himself King of Macedon, his claim based on the lineage of his mother, a daughter of Antipater. The army of Seleukos – now incorporating the contingents that had recently supported Lysimachos – acknowledged Ptolemy Keraunos as King.

    In order to quickly consolidate his power, Ptolemy Keraunos reached an agreement with his own half-sister and Lysimachos’ widow Arsinoe II. The remnants of the Lysimachean regime had taken refuge behind the walls of Kassandreia, including the queen Arsinoe and her sons. Arsinoe agreed to surrender the city of Kassandreia to him, and he agreed to wed her and make her his queen (she was his half-sister, Ptolemy I being father to both).

    Family Tree of Ptolemy Keraunos
    The wedding of Ptolemy Keraunos to Arsinoe II shocked Greece; they were half-siblings, both being children of Ptolemy I of Egypt, and such a union was taboo among the Greeks (but not the Egyptians). As soon as Ptolemy Keraunus had secured custody of Kassandreia and at least two of the children of Arsinoe II and Lysimachos, he betrayed his new wife. Ptolemy Keraunos slew both children (the third, also named Ptolemy, escaped), and Arsinoe was expelled from the kingdom. She fled to safety, going to the court of her brother Ptolemy II of Egypt at Alexandria (where she soon displaced his wife Arsinoe I, a daughter of the dead Lysimachos, and married her full-brother Ptolemy II, hence becoming Arsinoe II, queen of Egypt).

    Ptolemy Keraunos now sought to secure his position on the throne of Macedon from his numerous enemies. He secured recognition from his half-brother Ptolemy II as the legitimate king of Macedon, in exchange for renouncing his own claim to the throne of Egypt. Ptolemy Keraunos supported King Pyrrhos' expedition to Italy, providing money and a 5,000-strong Macedonian phalanx in 280 BC, so keen was he to see a dangerous rival for the Macedonian throne depart Greece.

    Antiochos I Soter (Greek: Ἀντίoχoς Σωτήρ)(280-262 BC), finding himself without an army, and confronting a serious revolt in Syria, a Ptolemaic invasion of Coele-Syria, and the emergence of numerous new enemies in Asia-Minor (Bithynia, Pontus, and ‘Galatians’), could offer no effective threat to his father’s murderer. Antiochos I Soter was the son of Seleukos and Apames, the daughter of Spitamenes, and since 292 BC had served as his father’s satrap in Baktria. The influential Philetaerus of Pergamon remained loyal to the Seleucid dynasty, and purchased the corpse of Seleukos I Nikator from Ptolemy Keraunos and returned it to his liege Antiochos I Soter.

    Antigonos II Gonatos (319-239 BC), son of Demetrius I the Besieger, remained in Greece as yet another claimant to the Macedon crown, but he commanded only a few garrisons of mercenary troops who held the cities of Corinth, Chalkis and the fortified port of Athens, namely Piraeus. In spring 280 BC Antigonos II Gonatos put together a scratch force and attempted an invasion of Macedon, but he was defeated by Ptolemy Keraunos at sea.

    On this news, a number of Greek states, including Sparta, declared war upon the Antigonids; Antigonos II Gonatos sailed to Asia, leaving his garrisons and his general & half-brother Krateros at Corinth. It was lowest ebb of fortune he ever knew. Athens took this opportunity to seize Pireaus and free itself of the Antigonid garrison there. But before the Greek city-states could complete the dismemberment of the few remaining Antigonid possessions, the whole of European Greece faced a threat to its very existence!
    The ‘Celtic Catastrophe’
    During the years of the Diadochi Wars, Celtic migrations into the Danube Valley from the north-west had the effect of greatly weakening long-standing tribal powers in the Central Balkans, particularly the Autariatae and Triballi. During the years 310-281 BC it seems that Celtic invaders conquered and overran the Autariatae lands in the Central Balkans, and soon threatened the reduced territories of the Triballi and Dardanians. Further afield, Celtic raiders and warbands soon began to threaten South Thrace, Paionia and the borders of Macedonia.

    After a number of large-scale probing raids into the southern Balkans in 281-280 BC, the Celts launched a major incursion in 279 BC from the middle reaches of the Danube. In that year "Brennus, the king of the Gauls, accompanied by… 150,000 infantry, armed with long shields, and 10,000 cavalry, together with a horde of camp followers, large numbers of traders, and 2,000 wagons, invaded Macedonia..." (Diod. 22.9).
    When word reached Macedonia and the southern Balkans of the advancing horde of Celts, the King of the Dardanoi offered King Ptolemy Keraunos an alliance to confront them. Ptolemy Keraunos arrogantly refused the offer, and so to spare his lands being ravaged, the King of the Dardanoi instead made alliance with the invading Celts. When Brennus and his forces reached Macedonia in 279 BC, Ptolemy Keraunos refused to await any reinforcements from the Macedonian levy, and instead led his army to immediately confront Brennus. In a major battle the army of Macedonia was annihilated; "the whole Macedonian army was cut to pieces" (Diod. 22.3). Ptolemy Keraunos was captured and beheaded, and his head adorned the standard of the victorious Celts (Justin, 17.2.9).

    The Celts despoiled Macedonia, before resolving to continue southward, and invade Greece. "... Brennos was a powerful influence on their general councils and individually on all the men in authority, calling for a campaign against Greece, and pointing out the weakness of the Greeks at that time, their great public wealth, and the even greater wealth in the sanctuaries in dedications and in coined silver and gold. He persuaded the Gauls to march on Greece, and among the fellow-commanders he chose from the great men of Gaul was Akichorios" (Pausanias, 10.5).
    Under the shadow of the Celtic horde, the Greek states hurriedly reached a series of peace treaties on the basis of everybody keeping what they had; in this way Athens secured its independence and kept its port at Pireaus (Antigonos II Gonatas would only re-capture Piraeus in 272 BC following the death of King Pyrrhos of Epiros), and Antigonos II kept Euboea (Chalkis) and Corinth.

    Meanwhile, the kingdom of Macedon fell into chaos. The death of Ptolemy Keraunos in 279 BC triggered many “pretenders” emerging to the Macedonian throne. Meleager (a.k.a. Meleander), Ptolemy Kerauno's brother (or uncle?), was able to install himself as king of Macedon in the immediate aftermath of his brother’s death, but ruled "only a few days" before he was toppled by Antipatos ‘Etesias’, a nephew of Kassandros son of Antipater (and who may himself have earlier been a senior general to King Lysimachos). After only 45-days Antipatos Etesias was then deposed by a middle-class general (probably another former general of Lysimachos) named Sosthenes, who refused to take the title of king, but co-ordinated a rudimentary defence against the Celts. In addition, the throne was claimed by Ptolemy, the son of Lysimachos and Arsinoe that had escaped the murder of his brothers at the hands of Ptolemy Keraunos. And King Pyrrhos of Eprios (still in Italy) also nursed his own ambition to rule Macedon.

    The Celtic horde swept south into Greece in late 279, sacking Delphi and turning the Greek defence at Thermopylae. This battle was an important one; the Greek host included contingents from Boiotia (10,000 infantry and 500 cavalry), Phokis (3,000 infantry), 700 Lokrians, 400 from Megara, and some 790 light infantry and 7,000 "regimental soldiers" from Aetolia, 500 Athenian cavalry and 1,000 Athenian infantry, all supported by an Athenian-led fleet. Antigonas II Gonatas sent a contingent of mercenaries led by Aristodemos of Macedon. After heavy fighting Brennos finally succeeded in turning the Greek position at Thermopylae (Pausanias, 10.21-22); the Greek army was evacuated by the Athenian fleet before it could be surrounded and destroyed (Pausanias, 10.22.5).

    The Celts were dis-heartened, however, by their heavy losses at the hands of the Aetolian League, and Brennus died of his wounds, so that Cichorius became the leader of the Celtic host (Diod. 22.9). After slaying their wounded and burning their wagons, the unburdened Celts fled Greece, and withdrew back into Macedonia at the end of 278 BC.

    During this turmoil, the city of Kassandreia fell to a proletarian revolution led by a certain Apollodorus (Diod. 22.5), who quickly became a tyrant. Apollodorus recruited Celtic mercenaries to sustain his regime, paid for with the confiscated goods of the well-to-do. "Then by an increase in the pay of his soldiers, and by sharing his riches with the poor, he made himself master of a considerable force... His guide and tutor in tyranny was Calliphon the Sicel, who had lived at the court of many of the Sicilian tyrants" (Diod. 22.5).

    In 278 BC Antigonos II barely held a position in the Thracian Chersonesos; in 277 BC he launched yet another attempt on Macedon, and, landing near Lysimacheia, at the neck of the Thracian Chersonese, decisively defeated an army of Celts under the command of Cichorius (a.k.a. Cerethrius). Antigonus II prepared an ambush, beaching his ships and concealing his men; when the Celts attacked the ships, Antigonos' army appeared, trapping them with the sea to their rear. In this way, Antigonos was able to annihilate the Celtic host, slay Cichorius, and lay claim the Macedonian throne. It was at this time, under these favourable omens, that his son and successor, Demetrius II, was born (he would be king of Macedon 229-219 BC).

    Throughout 276 BC Antigonas II proceeded to occupy Macedon, being greeted as a saviour from the “Gallic terror”. He captured Kassandreia (Chalkidike) after a siege of 10 months, in which he was aided by his ally, the arch-pirate Ameinias the Phokian. Antigonas II drove out the other pretenders Ptolemaeus (son of Arsinoe and Lysimachos) and Antipatos Etesias.

    The decline of Macedonian power in the Balkans following the death of Alexander the Great, combined with the impact of the Celtic migrations and invasions into the Balkans during the years 310-279 BC, transformed that region.

    The Scordisci were Celts, who, after the great invasion and plundering of Macedonia and northern Greece in 280-279 BC returned to the north of the Balkans and settled in the broad valleys of the Danube and Great Morava rivers. After the middle of the 3rd century they firmly established themselves in the territory delineated in Maps 1 and 2; after their defeat in 85 BC by L. Cornelius Scipio Asiagenes, they withdrew en masse to the north of the Danube. From the first half of the 2nd century BC, they became so powerful and belligerent that even the Dardanian regions situated between them and Macedonia fell under their control. Archaeological evidence reveals that they established several strongholds and settlements along the rivers on the natural route towards the southern Balkans as far south as Scupi (modern Skopje), where there previously had been a Dardanian fortress situated close to the northern frontier of Macedonia.

    Thus, from the second half of the 2nd century B.C. they could not be stopped from traversing these territories in their plundering expeditions into the Roman province of Macedonia in the south. In their new homeland, the Scordisci intermingled with some indigenous ethnic groups and were sometimes mentioned as “the Celts who live among the Illyrians and Thracians” (Strabo, 7.3.11, for the time of Burebista). Yet their distinctive culture most strongly influenced the local milieu by introducing the Late Iron Age culture of the late La Tčne type, with features typical of the Celtic and Celticized populations spread over a vast region from the British Isles to Asia Minor. That the Scordisci lived in fixed abodes is indicated by the archaeological remains of numerous villages, several larger settlements with earthen ramparts (such as Židovar, Gomolava, Gradina-on-the-Bosut, Slankamen) and necropoleis, which are densely clustered along the Danube and Great Morava rivers. The geographer Strabo mentions that they had two towns, Heorta and Capedunum, which still have not been identified with any of the known large settlements ; however, the extant literary sources provide no information about the political organization and economic structure of the Scordiscan society.
    The Autariatae now disappeared, replaced by the Celtic ‘Scordisci’, who now inhabited the middle Danube Valley, with Singidunum (Belgrade) as their chief settlement. The Scordisci overran the western portion of the Triballi territory, who disappeared at this time from the Central Balkans (fragments of the Triballi population may have later appeared as Moesians in the ancient histories) . Another Celtic kingdom was established at Tylis, in southern Thrace. The Odrysai kingdom had been shattered by the Celtic invaders, and henceforth southern Thrace was inhabited by several minor Thracian tribes which included the Odrysai, Bessi, Thyni, Dii and Maidi. The Celts extorted the nearby Greek cities of Byzantion and Apollonia Pontike into paying them tribute, and were not overrun by the Thracians until 212 BC. Other Celts, known to historians as the ‘Galatai’, established themselves in Asia Minor. The term Galatai was named for the immigrant Celts from Thrace, who became the ruling elite in this part of Asia Minor in the 3rd century BC. A small nucleus of perhaps only 10,000 Celts established themselves as rulers over a larger Phrygian population, and hence many early scholars referred to the Galatians as "Gallo-Graeci" and Galatia as “Gallo-Graecia".

    The Central and Western Balkans, 6 AD

    Footnotes
    39. Fanula Papazoglu, The Central Balkans in Pre-Roman Times. Triballi, Autariatae, Dardanians, Scordisci and Moesians, Adolf M Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1978, pp. 87-88.

    40. Tomaschek, ‘Autariatae’, 2593.

    41. The name “Illyrian” had a wider geographical sense and a narrower political one. Politically, “Illyria” is confined to the southern Adriatic coast, where Illyrian tribes lived on the border with the Greek-speaking Epirotes and Macedonians. These Illyrian tribes included the Ardiaei, Parthini and Taulantii.

    42. Fanula Papazoglu, The Central Balkans in Pre-Roman Times. Triballi, Autariatae, Dardanians, Scordisci and Moesians, Adolf M Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1978, pp. 87-108.

    43. At this time Antigonos held some 25,000 talents in his treasury, and lands that generated a royal income of 11,000 talents a year.

    44. Pat Wheatley, ‘The Chronology of the Third Diadoch War, 315-311 BC’, Phoenix, Vol. 52, No. 3/4, Autumn – Winter, 1998, pp. 257-281.

    45. Pat Wheatley, ‘Antigonus Monophthalmus in Babylonia, 310-308 BC’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 61, Jan. 2002, pp. 39-47.

    46. For the Nestus as a frontier dividing Macedonia from Thrace in Early Hellenistic times, see Strabo 7, fr. 33, 35.

    47. P Delev, ‘Lysimachus, the Getae, and Archaeology’, The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 50, No. 2, 2000, pp. 384-401.

    48. Lysimachos wintered near Herakleia Pontike, marrying its ruler Amastris, a Persian princess, during 302/301. Amastris (in Greek Aμαστρις; killed 284 BC), also called Amastrine, was the daughter of Oxyathres, the brother of the Persian king Darius III, and she was given by Alexander the Great in marriage to his general Kraterus. Yet Kraterus preferred Phila, the daughter of Antipater, as his wife, so Amastris married Dionysius, the tyrant of Herakleia Pontike, in Bithynia, in 322 BC. Amastris had two sons by him, Clearchus and Oxyathres, and she ruled the city as regent for her children after Dionysius’ death in 306 BC. Following the marriage of Lysimachos and Amastris in 301 BC, these sons joined Lysimachos’ as Companions; they fought with him against the Getai in c. 294. Later, in 297 BC, when Lysimachos wed Arsinoe, the daughter of Ptolemy Lagos, Amastris left the royal court at Sardeis, and returned home to Herakleia Pontike, where she resumed ruling as regent for her now adult sons. In 284 this former wife of Lysimachos was murdered by Clearchus and Oxyathres. Outraged by this parricide, Lysimachos marched on Herakliea Pontike, pretending to be willing to confirm their rule there, but then arrested and executed the sons, and taking control of the city, made a gift of it to his new wife Arsinoe. Following the deaths of the Diadochi Lysimachos and Seleukos in 281-280 BC, the city of Herakleia Pontike appears to have taken advantage of the chaos to declare its independence, and joined the 'Northern League' (Bithynia, Pontus, Sinope and the Celtic ‘Galatians’) of 280-276 BC against King Antiochus I of Seleucia.

    49. Agatharch. frg. 59; Heracl. Lemb. Hist. 21, frg. 3.

    50. Fanula Papazoglu, The Central Balkans in Pre-Roman Times. Triballi, Autariatae, Dardanians, Scordisci and Moesians, Adolf M Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1978, pp. 122-123.

    51. Diod. 21, frgs 11, 12; Strabo 7.3.8, 3.14; Paus. 1.9.5-6; Polyaen. Strat. 7.25; Polyb. frg. 102; Justin 16.1.19; Plut. Demetr. 39, 52; Mor. 126ef (De Tu. San. 9); 183e (Reg. et Imp. Apophth. Lys. 1); 555e (De Sera Num. 11).

    52. P Delev, ‘Lysimachus, the Getae, and Archaeology’, The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 50, No. 2, 2000, pp. 384-401.

    53. P Delev, ‘Lysimachus, the Getae, and Archaeology’, The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 50, No. 2, 2000, pp. 384-401.

    54. P Delev, ‘Lysimachus, the Getae, and Archaeology’, The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 50, No. 2, 2000, pp. 384-401.

    55. Clearchus was not yet of age at the death of his father in 306/5 BC. His relationship to Lysimachos results from the brief marriage of the latter and Amastris in 302-301 BC.

    56. Hecat. Frg. 170-171; Hdt. 4.49; Hellanic. frg. 73.

    57. Sviatoslav Dmitriev, ‘The Last Marriage and the Death of Lysimachus’, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies, Vol. 47, 2007, pp. 135-149.

    58. Sviatoslav Dmitriev, ‘The Last Marriage and the Death of Lysimachus’, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies, Vol. 47, 2007, pp. 135-149.

    59. It was probably also Ptolemy Keraunos that provided King Pyrrhos with his Indian war elephants. These war elephants had probably been procured by King Seleukos I Nikator, while he fought in the upper satrapies, and were a part of the army he led against King Lysimachos in 281 BC. Following the murder of Seleukos, Ptolemy Keraunos had won the loyalty of his entire army in Europe. In this manner war elephants from India made their way to Italy and Sicily in the service of King Pyrrhos of Eprios.

    60. WW Tarn, ‘The New Dating of the Chremonidean War’, The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 54, Part 1, 1934, pp. 26-39.

    61. Peter Green, Alexander to Actium, The Historical Evolution of the Hellenistic Age, University of California Press, Los Angeles, 1990, p. 134.

    62. Sources mentioning the Celtic invasion and settling of the Scordisci: Pausanias, 1.4 and 10.19-23; Diodorus, 22.3-5 and 9; Justin, 24.4-8 and 32.3.6-8. For a survey on the eastward migrations of Celts in the 3rd century B.C.

    63. Ammianus Marcellinus 27.4.4, Festus 9.1, Orosius 5.23.17-19, Iordanes Rom. 219, Florus 1.39 (the Scordisci mentioned as Thracians); see F. PAPAZOGLU 1978, pp. 294-303 for commentary on these sources.

    64. Strabo, 7.5.12 : these towns might have not yet been developed in the late 3rd and early 2nd century BC.

    65. Dubravka Ujes, ‘Coins of the Macedonian Kingdom in the Interior of Balkans: Their Inflow and Use in the Territory of the Scordisci’, Monnaie et espace, Le monde Greco-romain, Vol. XVII, No. 3-4, 2002, pp. 7-41.

    66. The Moesians are never once mentioned in Classical or Hellenistic times. In the region where we meet the Moesians in the first century BC the Getai and Triballi are mentioned in earlier centuries. Thucydides places the Triballi to the west of the Isker river and the Getai east of that river (Thuc. 2.96). We may suppose that the Moesians formed a part of the Triballi and Getic kingdoms. It seems likely that the Greeks of the Black Sea coast included in the name Getai all the tribes between the Balkan Mountains and the Danube. See: Fanula Papazoglu, The Central Balkans in Pre-Roman Times. Triballi, Autariatae, Dardanians, Scordisci and Moesians, Adolf M Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1978, pp. 391-437.

    67. The Greek city-state of Byzantion transitioned from the Macedonian tributary empire to becoming a tributary of the Celts of Tylis. Polybius reports that Byzantion paid the king of Tylis a tribute of 80 talents a year in 219 BC (4.46-52.1). “Kavaros, the king of the Gauls living in Thrace, being kingly and high-minded (megalophron) by nature, took care that the traders sailing to Pontos enjoyed great security (pollen men asphaleian), and at the same time he rendered great services to the Byzantians in their wars against the Thracians and the Bithynians” (Polyb. 8.22).


    Dynasty of Antigonos

    Hetairoi

    The Hetaroi are the elite shock cavalry of the Macedonian kingdom, recruited from among the king’s companions and their clients, well mounted on strong horses, and equipped with the most lavish equipment.

    The advent of heavy cavalry is a reasonably recent development in western warfare in 280 BC. The use of heavy cavalry that delivered a shock charge with lance and edged weapons, rather than fighting as mounted skirmishers, was first perfected by King Phillip II of Macedon and his son Alexander the Great. Alexander’s heavy cavalry were trained to fight at close quarters with lance and sword, and were organised into squadrons which varied in size from 180 to 225 men. After the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC the deployment of bodies of heavy cavalry on the battlefield became a feature of Hellenistic warfare among the Successors and Greeks.

    Hellenistic heavy cavalry were specialised for shock combat, and charged in a wedge formation with the lance. The wedge formation was devised by the Scythians and taken up by the Thracians before being adopted by the Macedonians and Thessalians. The wedge was a triangle formation, with a single rider forming the leading point and each successive wave containing more men. If a full squadron formed a single wedge, it would have some 16 ranks. The wedge formation conferred two advantages; first, the narrow frontage meant that wheeling to charge direction could be done relatively quickly, as the formation just followed the leader ‘as in the flight of cranes’ (Asclepiodotus, Tactics, 7.3); secondly, the wedge made it easy to cut through enemy formations. Alexander the Great used his heavy cavalry to break the enemy battle line by charging into gaps in the wedge formation.

    When a squadron in line charged an enemy unit, only some of the horsemen in the front rank were likely to find a convenient gap in the enemy’s line through which they could ride. Men in the target unit moving aside in one part of the line would cause denser crowding in others, so, unless the enemy broke and scattered together straight away, many riders would have to come to a halt. By contrast, when a wedge charged the lead rider needed only to find a gap for himself to ride at and the rest of the squadron would pile into it behind him. The passage of the lead horse, assisted by its rider’s weapons, widened the breach for the two or three horses immediately behind and they for the next rank, and so on.

    The numbers of the Hetaroi are carefully nurtured by Macedonian kings. The Argead king Philip II provided his companions with rich estates in Macedon, Thrace and elsewhere, so that they might possess the income needed to fight equipped as heavy cavalry. These men are professional warriors, and typically accompany the king and royal court, always ready for battle!

    Recruited from the King’s companions and courtiers, they are equipped in the new ‘Hellenistic fashion’, with a metal cuirass, greaves, and a large plumed helmet. They fight in the ‘Macedonian style’ charging home with the Hellenistic cavalry lance, the xyston, which can be wielded one-handed, and was used to stab and thrust the enemy. When the shaft broke, it was most likely reversed in order to bring the metal butt spike into play – or it was dropped and the sword was drawn. The xyston was longer and heavier than a javelin, seven to ten feet in length.

    The limitations of such heavy cavalry during the Hellenistic period should be remembered. Such cavalry required flat, open terrain to be effective. Importantly, ancient cavalry lacked stirrups, and so they needed to keep their seat and control their mount using their legs. For this reason, heavy cavalry could not strike their target with the lance while charging without the leverage provided by stirrups. In melee, cavalry were vulnerable to being unhorsed. This is no doubt why heavy cavalry are often described as dismounting to engage in hand-to-hand combat. Heavy cavalry did not launch frontal charges against unbroken infantry formations, but rather protected the flanks of the infantry line, attacked enemy cavalry, charged through gaps in the enemy battle line, assailed enemy skirmishers, and attacked the flanks and rear of the enemy battle line. It was common for heavy cavalry to attack in conjunction with light-armed infantry or elite infantry, such as hypaspists.

    The type of close mounted combat that the written sources depict is entirely consistent with the riding skills that result from sitting a horse without saddle and stirrups as well as the collected style of riding recommended by Xenophon and commonly depicted in the figured evidence. All else being equal, the bareback rider will be more skilled than one using a saddle. He will have a deeper seat with a lower centre of gravity; he will of necessity develop a better sense of balance, since no security will be offered by the shape of the saddle or lateral support from stirrups; and he will have better control by virtue of the close contact between his legs and the sides of the horse.
    Pezhetairoi

    The Pezhetairoi, or Foot Companions, are the formidable line infantry of Macedonia, and are modelled on the pikemen of Phillip II and Alexander the Great. The phalanx of Pezhetairoi form the core of Macedonian armies, arrayed in a deep phalanx formation bristling with pikes.

    The phalangite was the Macedonian answer to the Greek hoplite, and the phalangite remained the mainstay of the Hellenic armies for generations. The Graeco-Macedonian phalangite was the soldier of the “Macedonian phalanx”, an infantry formation developed by King Phillip II of Macedonia, and then deployed by his son Alexander the Great to conquer Greece and the Persian Empire. Known as Pezhetairoi, or Foot Companions, to the Macedonian dynasts, the phalangites were also called Pezoi, or “Foot Soldiers”, by the powers of the Hellenistic Period.

    Philip II spent much of his youth as a hostage at Thebes, where he studied under the renowned generals Epaminondas and Pelopidas, who were experimenting with deep lines and slanting battlefronts. These reforms greatly influenced Phillip II in his later design of the “Macedonian phalanx”.

    An evolution of the traditional hoplite phalanx of the Classical Period, the Macedonian phalanx transformed warfare. The Macedonian phalanx was manned by phalangites armed with a long pike (sarissa), some 18-24 feet long, enabling them to outreach the traditional Greek hoplites and stave off enemy cavalry. The phalangite wore lighter armour, enabling longer endurance and forced marches. In order to wield the sarissa with two hands, the phalangite carried a smaller “Macedonian shield” rather than the larger, heavier apsis or hoplon of the traditional hoplites.

    The "Macedonian phalanx" was a slower moving, less flexible formation than the classical hoplite phalanx, relying on a slow inexorable advance rather than the hoplite charge. Phillip II emphasized the importance of training and unit cohesion, enabling them to overwhelm the citizen hoplites of the Greek poleis (city-states). The Macedonian phalanx remained dominant on the battlefields of the Hellenistic Period until they were finally displaced by the Roman Legion.

    The phalangites were well drilled so as to enable them to execute complex maneuvers on the battlefield. They fought packed in a close rectangular formation, the basic unit of which was a file of sixteen men, the dekas; sixteen dekades formed a syntagma of 256 men; these, in turn, were organized into brigades – taxeis – comprised of six syntagma for a total of some 1,500 men.

    Each phalangite carries as his primary weapon the trademark of the Macedonian phalanx – the sarissa. The sarissa was a double-pointed pike which by the time of the Successors had grown from its original 18 feet to up to 24 feet by 300 BC. The sarissa was so large and heavy that it was wielded with two hands, and so the phalangite carried a small, less concave bronze shield only 2 feet in diameter. This small shield (pelte) lacked a rim, and had an elbow sling, and was suspended over the shoulder with a baldric. At close range the sarissa was of little use, but an intact phalanx was a formidable force, keeping its enemies at bay and capable of an irresistible advance.

    The extreme depth of their new phalanx formation (the syntagma) was the strength of the Macedonian system. The pikes of the first five rows of men all projected beyond the front of the formation, so that there were more spearpoints than available targets at any given time, providing a daunting line of attack bristling with pikes. Once engaged with the enemy, the syntagmae were nearly unstoppable as long as their flanks were protected by cavalry. The Macedonians would advance at a steady, unrelenting rate, mowing down attacking cavalry and infantry alike until the battle was won. For close fighting, the phalangite carried a short double-edged sword, the xiphos.

    The “Macedonian system” of warfare developed by Philip II and Alexander the Great relied on the phalanx pinning the enemy army in place, so as to enable the heavy cavalry and hypaspists stationed on the right to make a decisive flanking charge.
    Asthetairoi

    The Asthetairoi (singular Asthetairos) were the elite of the Macedonian line infantry. They were equipped with the sarissa (21 feet long pike), the small pelte shield, and a short sword. The Asthetairoi were equipped with expensive metal muscle cuirass, a thracian helmet and metal greaves.

    The Asthetairoi were recruited from the cantons of Upper Macedonia. Upper Macedonia had been comprised of a number of small independent kingdoms - Elimiotis, Eordea, Orestis, Lynkestis and Pelagonia - until they were incorporated into the Argead Kingdom by King Philip II in the 350s. The infantry recruited from Upper Macedonia were known as "Asthetairoi" during the time of Alexander the Great to be both self-explanatory and complimentary. The word ‘asthetairoi’ was a combination of astoi and hetairoi, meaning ‘townsmen companions’.

    The sarissa-equipped infantry – phalangites – were the Macedonian answer to the Greek hoplite and were the mainstay of the Hellenic armies for generations. The Graeco-Macedonian phalangite was the soldier of the “Macedonian phalanx”, an infantry formation developed by King Phillip II of Macedonia, and then deployed by his son Alexander the Great to conquer Greece and the Persian Empire.

    An evolution of the hoplite phalanx of the Classical Period, the Macedonian phalanx transformed warfare. The Macedonian phalanx was armed with a pike (sarissa), enabling it to outreach the traditional Greek hoplites and stave off enemy cavalry, and wore lighter armour, enabling longer endurance and forced marches. Phillip II emphasized the importance of training and unit cohesion, enabling them to overwhelm the citizen hoplites of the Greek poleis.

    The Macedonian phalanx remained dominant on the battlefields of the Hellenistic Period until they were finally displaced by the Roman Legion.

    Philip II spent much of his youth as a hostage at Thebes, where he studied under the renowned generals Epaminondas and Pelopidas, who were experimenting with deep lines and slanting battlefronts. These reforms greatly influenced Phillip II in his later design of the “Macedonian phalanx”.

    The phalangites were well drilled so as to enable them to execute complex maneuvers on the battlefield. They fought packed in a close rectangular formation, the basic unit of which was a file of sixteen men, the dekas; sixteen dekades formed a syntagma of 256 men; these, in turn, were organized into brigades – taxeis – comprised of six syntagma for a total of some 1,500 men.

    Each phalangite carries as his primary weapon the trademark of the Macedonian phalanx – the sarissa. The sarissa was a double-pointed pike which by the time of the Successors had grown from its original 18 feet to up to 24 feet by 300 BC. The sarissa was so large and heavy that it was wielded with two hands, and so the phalangite carried a small, less concave bronze shield only 2 feet in diameter. This small shield (pelte) lacked a rim, and had an elbow sling, and was suspended over the shoulder with a baldric. At close range the sarissa was of little use, but an intact phalanx was a formidable force, keeping its enemies at bay and capable of an irresistible advance. The pikes of the first five rows of men all projected beyond the front of the formation, so that there were more spearpoints than available targets at any given time. For close fighting, the phalangite carried a short double-edged sword, the xiphos.

    The “Macedonian system” of warfare developed by Philip II and Alexander the Great relied on the phalanx pinning the enemy army in place, so as to enable the heavy cavalry and hypaspists stationed on the right to make a decisive flanking charge. The Macedonian system became the standard military doctrine of the Successors in the Hellenistic Period; the armies of the Successors relied upon securing the services of Graeco-Macedonian phalangites; the scarcity of Graeco-Macedonian manpower led to some Successors experimenting with training Egyptian (Machimoi) and Asian (Pantodapoi) phalangites. By c. 280 BC there was a general slide away from the combined arms approach of the Macedonian system, and so the phalanx itself often became the arm of decision.

    What made the phalangites so effective was their 5.5 meter (18 feet) long pike, or sarissa, combined with the extreme depth of their new phalanx formation (the syntagma). The lengths of their pikes allowed the first five ranks of men to attack through the front of the formation, providing a daunting line of attack bristling with pikes. Once engaged with the enemy, the syntagmae were nearly unstoppable as long as their flanks were protected by cavalry. The Macedonians would advance at a steady, unrelenting rate, mowing down attacking cavalry and infantry alike until the battle was won.
    Thureophoroi

    The Thureophoroi were flexible light infantry, adept as skirmishers and ambushers, but also able to form a tighter formation and serve in the main battle line.

    Theurophoroi were rated among the light troops, the "euzoni", and were used as skirmishers, steadily eclipsing the peltasts in the Hellenistic Period. The thureophoroi were used to support skirmishers, to protect the vulnerable flanks of the heavy phalanx formation, and to screen heavier troops in difficult country or on the march. They were an “intermediate” class of soldier, ranked between the heavy phalanx and the lighter skirmishers. Though capable of fighting hand-to-hand with other light infantry, they could not long stand up to a pike-phalanx.

    Theurophoroi carried the oval thureos, from which they derived their name. The thureos was modeled on the standard Keltoi ("Galatian") shield, which the Greeks encountered in 280-275 BC, and which became popular thereafter in the third century among the Greeks and Illyrians, called in Greek the "thureos". The shield is painted, with a spined boss and central handgrip.

    Over a simple tunic, the Antigonid thureophoroi wear a common linen cuirass, with pteruges ('feathers'), as well as a simple red-brown short cloak. The other protection is the Macedonian helmet, with a short horsehair crest.

    The principal weapon of the thureophoroi was the javelin, and they went into battle with a bundle of these javelins. The secondary weapon of the thureophoroi was a short, straight sword.

    The Macedonian tribes of northern Greece inhabited a region where classical hoplite warfare had always been limited because of the mountainous terrain, and peltasts were common. The Macedonians adopted the weapons and fighting style of the thureophoroi with enthusiasm, particularly after encountering the Keltoi invasions of 280-275 BC. A further stimulus were the campaigns of King Pyrrhos of Epiros in Italy and Sicily (280-275 BC), where the maniple-style warfare of the native Romans and Oscans was encountered, and spread to northern Greece.
    Hypaspists

    The Hypaspists were the 'shield-bearers', and formed the elite infantry royal guard of the kings of Macedonia. They are first-class professional spearmen, recruited from among the best families of the kingdom.

    The hypaspists became famous in the time of Alexander the Great. Macedonia had always been short of hoplitai on the classical battlefields, and so, even when the Macedonian levy were trained to fight as pikemen, these 'shield-bearers' remained equipped in the prestigious hoplite panoply. Later, in the time of the Antigonids, the hypaspists are often referred to as the 'agema', the 'bodyguard'.

    They formed fast-moving spearmen, always able to guard the king's person, undertake difficult and dangerous missions, marching over long-distances, to places difficult to access, and to fight on rugged terrain. They feature in missions such as storming breaches and undertaking special assaults during sieges, and to serve as the fast-moving right-wing of the infantry line of Macedonian armies on the battlefield, not only because ‘it is the place of honour’, but also because they must play a vital role here; the hypaspists serve as the ‘hinge’, keeping the Macedonian phalanx ‘in touch’ with the cavalry on the wing, and either assisting the cavalry or protecting the weak flanks of the sarissa-armed phalanx line as required. For these reasons, the hypaspists are often found working in conjunction with light-armed troops such as archers and peltasts.

    The hypaspists often formed the 'shock-troops' for fast-moving Macedonian columns. Rather than summon the full Macedonian levy to war, the Antigonids kings often struck swiftly with small, fast-moving columns comprised of their full-time, professional soldiery; hypaspists, hetaroi ('companions'), Agrianian peltasts, and mercenaries. Alexander the Great and Philip V were both famous for this.

    The hypaspists are armed in the traditional equipment of the hoplites, which traditionally few Macedonians could afford. The weapons and gear of these soldiers is of the finest quality; the large, round shield with offset rim (aspis), greaves, a ‘linothrax’ linen corselet with shoulder-pieces and pteruges (‘feathers’) to protect the body, and a xiphos sword for close-fighting when the thrusting spear (doru) was broken or even thrown. The thracian-style helmet of these hoplites reflects the proximity of the Macedonians to the fighting styles and gear of their Thracian, Illyrian and Epirote neighbours. The hoplite panoply achieved the balance between maneuverability, mobility and individual protection to enable them to perform their specialist task in a manner that the slower, inflexible ‘Macedonian-style’ phalanx could not. It is the large aspis shield that distinguishes the hypaspists from the pikemen of the phalanx, who are protected by their serried mass of pikes and small telamon shields.
    Polis Hoplitai



    Paionian Cavalry(AOR)

    Paionian cavalry are valued by the Macedonian dynasties as tough, aggressive shock cavalry, who charge in formation with the spear, quick and agile. They are superb for attacking enemy mounted skirmishers and mounted archers.

    The Paionian tribes by the 4th century BC formed a small kingdom north of Macedonia. Until around 359 BC the Paionians regularly raided and pillaged northern Macedonia. When the Paionian king, Agis, died, Philip II, the Argead king of Macedon, saw an opportunity for successful military action against them in early 358. Philip quickly defeated the Paionians, and imposed a treaty upon them, which required recognition of Macedonia’s frontiers and the raising on demand of troops for Philip’s use.

    Throughout the Hellenistic period Paionia was dominated by Macedonia, and formed a reliable buffer state between Macedon and the tribes of the central Balkans. Both under King Lysimachos and the later Antigonid dynasty Paionia was directly incorporated into Macedonia. Paionian cavalry fought for Alexander the Great, and infantry for King Perseus.

    Paionian cavalry wear long tunics, square-necked with elbow-length sleeves, falls in heavy folds, and is patterned in stripes. He wears a crested Attic helmet, and thrusts underarm with a spear about 7 feet/2.15 meters long; as a secondary weapon he carries a sword on a baldric.
    Thessalian Cavalry(AOR)

    The traditional military arm of Thessaly was heavy cavalry. In training, fighting proficiency and morale, the Thessalian cavalry were virtually identical as the Companions (Hetaroi). Whereas the Companions anchored the offensive right flank of the Macedonian army in the time of Alexander the Great, the Thessalians anchored the defensive left flank. The result was that they were frequently heavily outnumbered, having to engage a disproportionately large number of the Persian cavalry to assist Alexander’s attack on the right flank. It was a tribute to the fighting ability of the Thessalians that despite this frequent disparity in numbers they alwayd managed to hold their position.

    The Thessalian cavalry ilai (squadron) from Pharsalus was widely considered to be superior to all others in Thessaly’s cavalry force.

    The Thessalian cavalry carried virtually the same equipment as the Companions, with the distinctive Thessalian cloak. The wealthy panoply of the Thessalian cavalry – muscled cuirass, plumed Boeotian helmet – reflects the growing wealth of Thessaly in the fifth and fourth centuries BC. Like the Companions, the Thesslian cavalry fought in a tight formation – the Thesslian “diamond”. They fought as shock cavalry, trained and employed to punch a hole in the enemy’s line, fighting from the saddle with the long xyston spear, and then wheel on the enemy centre.

    Thessaly was very like Macedon – only part urbanised, dominated by the nobles and their excellent cavalry, with traditions of unity but usually divided. The post of tagos, elected ruler and leader of military forces of all Thessaly, was recognised, and under a strong tagos Thessaly was able to dominate the hill peoples living around the Thessalian plain. Jason of Pherai, tagos in the 370s, estimated he could raise 6,000 cavalry and 10,000 hoplites. Jason’s successors could not keep power, and in the 360s Thebes intervened and reorganised Thessaly into a league of cities. Philip II, called in to help Thessaly against Phokis, was elected tagos, and restored the old organisation into four provinces, tetrarchiai, to give his aristocratic supporters more influence. Thessalian cavalry fought for Philip II and his son Alexander the Great took 1,800 of them with him to Asia. Most of Thessaly joined the Greek revolt of 321 BC, but thereafter remained subject to the Macedonian kings, and provided cavalry, till 196 BC when Rome freed part and gave the rest to Aitolia.
    Agrianian Peltast(AOR)

    The Agrianes were a Paionian tribe not included in the Paionian kingdom, but with a king of their own. The Agrianes were a Balkan tribe residing in the foothills of the mountainous Strymon Valley, south of modern Sofia. The Agrianians provided elite light infantry to Macedon, an elite body of peltasts javelin troops recruited from the personal “shield-bearers” of the Agrianian king.

    In the time of Alexander the Great the Agrianes contingent formed the crack light infantry of the Macedonian army. The Agrianians were always one of the units selected by Alexander for a strategic forced march or a rapid tactical movement over rough terrain. They frequently served with the elite hypaspists, and in battle they usually formed part of the screening forces operating in front of the Companions (Hetaroi). These tough men travelled exceptionally quickly, trained to fight alongside the cavalry like hamippoi. Once the battle started, the Agrianians would usually operate with the Companions in a combined-arms function to disorder enemy cavalry or to kill enemy horses and any dismounted riders.

    The Agrianes continued to provide the kings of Macedonia with allied troops right up until the final defeat of Macedonia by Rome at the battle of Pydna in 168 BC (cf. Livy, 42.51).

    Armed with javelins and a xiphos-style sword, and armoured in only a Thracian-style helmet and carrying an oval theuros-style shield, these men were superb fighters, relying on speed and tenacity. The Agrianes were used to defend passes, often fortified, or to attack similar positions. Such positions were hard to take frontally but could usually be outflanked.
    Last edited by Finn; September 23, 2010 at 03:37 PM.


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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    City State of Sparta


    Courtesy of AnastasioTheGreat

    Spartiate Hoplitai

    The Spartiates Hoplitai are an elite formation, unique in the Greek world for being recruited from among a citizenry that train full-time for war, rather than forming a militia. Since the Persian Wars they have had an unmatched reputation for ferocity, discipline and skill.

    Spartiates are those males of the city-state of Sparta with full citizenship, and form a small, elite warrior class in the rigidly hierarchical Spartan society. From boyhood, male Spartiates were trained for battle. Unlike the citizens of the hoplite class in other city-states, the Spartiates were dedicated full-time soldiers, who were maintained by state allotted lands that were worked by helots, the non-citizen slave class of Spartan society.

    Sparta had a unique, militaristic and hierarchical society, whereby the small number of Spartiates ruled with an iron fist over a much larger population of subjects, unwilling allies and virtual slaves, the helots.

    Male Spartiates departed their homes for military boarding school (agoge) at the age of six, and they were required to serve in the army until age thirty. A Spartiate thereafter remained on “active reserve” until the age of sixty. The education of the Spartiates emphasized physical toughness, steadfastness in military ranks, and an absolute obedience to orders. Men were encouraged to marry at the age of twenty, but were not permitted to live with their families until they left active military service at the age of thirty. At the age of twenty, the Spartiate began his membership in one of the syssitia (dining messes or clubs), each comprised of some fifteen members.

    Every autumn the Spartan Ephors (Classical Greek Ἔφοροι) would declare war upon their own helot population, enabling the Spartiates to slay any helot without guilt. In addition, in a tradition known as Krypteia, young "green" Spartiates were sent out into the countryside unarmed, with instructions to kill any helot they encountered, and to seize any food they required. This tradition was a means of eliminating any helots considered troublesome, and provide the young men with a manhood test and their first kill (Plutarch, Life of Lycurgus, 28.3–7).

    A Spartiate only exercised the full rights and duties of a citizen after completing this training, and reaching the age of thirty. Only native Spartans could ever be full citizens, and after reaching the full citizenship were known as "peers" (homoioi), while those who failed were thereafter called "lesser citizens," and retained only the civil rights of citizenship. The ordinary Spartiate was a full-time citizen-warrior, would become a politician only if chosen as ephor for a single year. A Spartiate could be elected a member of the state’s ruling council after his sixtieth year, and thereafter be free from military service.

    Spartan citizens were debarred by law from trade or manufacture, which consequently rested in the hands of the perioeci, and were forbidden to possess either gold or silver. Wealth was derived from landed property, and consisted in the annual return made by the helots, who cultivated the plots of ground allotted to the Spartiates. Full citizens, hence released from any economic activity, were given a piece of land (kleros), which was cultivated and run by the helots. By the Hellenistic Period, greater portions of land were concentrated in the hands of fewer landholders, and the number of full citizens had significantly declined. Whereas there had been 10,000 Spartiates at the beginning of the 5th century BC, this had declined c. 350 BC to only 1,000, and had further decreased to only 700 at the time of the accession of King Agis IV in 244 BC. Attempts were made to remedy this situation by creating new laws. Certain penalties were imposed upon those who remained unmarried or who married too late in life. These laws, however, came too late and were ineffective in reversing the trend.

    While the typical Greek hoplite had an individual hoplite panoply, supplied at their own cost, the Spartiates prided themselves on their uniformity, with each shield carrying the blazon of the Greek letter lambda (Λ) - in reference to their homeland Lakedaemonia – and every Spartiate wore a scarlet robe. The Spartan phalanx advanced in a slow, steady silence, rather than the typical final screaming charge of the Greek hoplite phalanx.

    In the fourth century BC the city-state of Sparta began to decline, weakened by the rising power of Thebes led by Epaminondas, and the growth of other independent powers in the Peloponnese such as Arcadia and Elis. Sparta lacked the manpower and resources to recover her glory of the fifth century BC. In 353 BC Sparta, together with Athens and Achaea, were defeated by Phillip II of Macedon, and was punished for its obstinate opposition to Macedonian hegemony through the confiscation of certain border districts to the neighboring poleis of Argos, Arcadia and Messenia. Agis III, Eurypontid King of Sparta (338-331 BC), led an uprising of several Peloponnese city-states against Alexander the Great in 333 BC, while he was in the east, but despite the support of Persian money and 8,000 Greek mercenaries, the Spartans were crushed by Alexander’s regent Antipater. Sparta was further devastated by Demetrius I Poliorcetes of the Antigonid dynasty when he overran the Peloponnese in 294 BC, defeating Archidamus IV the Eurypontid King (305-207 BC) in two key battles. Sparta stubbornly retained its traditional military tactics and equipment, only adopting elements of the “Macedonian system” and arming the perioeci with the sarissa after the reforms Cleonymus III, Agiad King of Sparta (235-222 BC). Despite an attempt by the usurper King Nabis to rebuild Spartan power during his reign, 207-192 BC, he was defeated in turn by Rome and the Achaean League. The Achaean League annexed Sparta in 192 BC.
    Perioikoi Hoplitai

    The Perioikoi Hoplitai are important soldiery in Spartan armies, forming a majority of the line infantry in the famous Spartan phalanx.

    In Sparta the body of full citizens – the famous homoioi (the “equals”), the Spartiate warriors whose business was national defence, and who lived off the produce of their serf-worked estates – had declined from an original (mid-seventh century BC) figure of some eight or nine thousand to no more than 700 men by 244 BC. By the third century BC the Spartiates had evolved into an elite caste of ultra-conservative landowners into whose hands had fallen the best of the land and a vast preponderance of wealth – a very different picture from the famous 300 warriors who had defied the Persians at Thermopylae. The Spartiates ruled over a population comprised of tens of thousands of non-citizen freedmen (perioikoi), resident aliens (metics) and oppressed serfs (helots) – none of whom had the rights of citizens.

    The Perioikoi or "dwellers around," were free men of Sparta, mainly farmers and merchants who lacked the full citizenship of the Spartiates. They lived in perhaps 80 or 100 towns and villages, in the less fertile land of the hills and coasts. They may have been part of the conquered people, but unlike the helots, they kept their freedom. Increasingly, during the fourth and third centuries BC, the Spartans made use of the Perioikoi to bolster the size of their phalanx. The Perioikoi lived as peasants, fishermen, craftsmen, miners and traders, who led relatively free lives in their small towns and villages. However, they had no political independence, and they were expected to serve in Sparta’s armed forces with no share in making its policies.

    The principal weapon of the hoplite is the thrusting spear (dory), eight to nine feet long, with an ash or cornel wood shaft, iron head, and an iron or bronze buttspike. The centre of the shaft is bound with cord for a secure grip. The spear was usually used in an overarm thrust, but it could also be thrust underarm or even thrown. The secondary weapon of the hoplite is the sword, about 60 cm long.

    The “Argive” shield (called aspis or hoplon) is large, 80 cm-1 meter in diameter, convex, made of wood covered with a thin bronze sheet, and is carried with two handles, a bronze porpax in the centre through which the forearm passes, and a cord antilabe at the rim. Hoplites commonly wore greaves, clipped around the legs by their own elasticity, wear bronze helmets with cheek-pieces and horsehair crests. The Perioikoi hoplite wore no body armour, both because of the poverty of their homes and the state, and because of the adherence of Sparta to old fashioned notions of how the phalanx should be armed and fight.

    Hoplites form up into a formation on a frontage of about 3 feet per man, with each man’s right protected by his neighbours projecting shield. Hoplites most commonly fought in multiples of four ranks deep, usually eight, though 4, 12 and 16 was also common. In this formation, the hoplites found mutual protection from an accumulation of shields to their front, rear and side. Normally a phalanx of hoplites will advance directly for their enemy, breaking into a run for the last few yards, seeking to close as fast as possible to minimise missile casualties. Ancient Greek battle was a terrible collision of hoplites on the run. What followed this initial collision was the push, or othismos, as ranks to the rear put their bodies into the hollows of their shields and forced those ahead constantly forwards. The hoplite phalanx was vulnerable to flanking attacks, and if the hoplite formation is dispersed or broken then the hoplites are at a great disadvantage. If surrounded or vulnerable to surprise attacks, hoplites would form a hollow square, with baggage, camp-followers and light troops in the centre.
    Spartan Helot

    The Spartan helots are conscripted for service in the armies of Sparta, serving their Spartiate masters as camp followers, porters, and labourers. In battle, they are deployed as skirmishers, tasked to harass the enemy phalanx with javelins and stones, and then later harassing flanks and rear of the enemy line during the critical clash of the rival phalanxes. They are unable to withstand close combat for any length of time, lacking both arms and training.

    The Spartans conquered the southern Peloponnese in c. 950 BC, probably immigrating from north-western Greece, and they reduced the native population to one of two sharply distinct types of subjection. Some became helots, state-serfs, forcibly attached to particular estates. Other peoples became the perioikoi, the ‘livers-around’, peasants, fishermen, craftsmen, miners and traders, who led relatively free lives in their small towns and villages. In the eighth century BC the Spartans conquered neighbouring Messenia, and reduced its entire population to helot status (cf. Thucydides, 1.101); yet these ‘new’ helots retained their national identity and desire for independence.

    The helot-system made Sparta powerful and its citizens (Spartiates) formed a wealthy elite, a landed ruling class. But this system of dependant labour created the conditions of insecurity and permanent threat that forced the Spartans to transform most aspects of their state. These changes, which led to the creation of the classical Spartan economic, political and social systems, were attributed by most Greek authors to a single lawgiver named Lycurgos (cf. Herodotus, 1.65ff). “The single most important reason underlying all these changes was probably the perceived need to maintain control over a very large, and to a great extent permanently disaffected and cohesive, labour force, the helots, and above all, the Messenian helots. The result was that Sparta became more and more like an ‘armed camp’ of its citizens… In the sense that they had been able to remove themselves completely from the need to perform any productive labour, the Spartiates were, as their Athenian admirer Critias said, ‘the most free of all the Greeks’, as the helots were ‘the most enslaved’; but in the self-imposed discipline and homogeneity of their lives and culture such ‘freedom’ might seem intolerably constricting and repressive.”( N R E Fisher, Slavery in Classical Greece, Classical World Series, Bristol Classical Press, London, 2003, p. 24).

    The relative numbers of Helots and Spartiates cannot be known with any accuracy, but at the time of the Persian Wars Sparta probably had only around 8,000 male Spartiates in all (Herodotus, 7.234). The population of subject helots and perioikoi must have numbered many tens of thousands. While the main function of helots was to serve as agricultural labour on the estates to which they were tied, they were also conscripted to serve as light-armed troops and attendants on Spartan military campaigns; Herodotus claims that the Spartiates were outnumbered 7:1 by their helots at the battle of Plataea in 479 BC (9.10, 28-29, 61, 80, 85).

    In order to maintain their control over the helot masses, the Spartiates engaged in well-organised acts of terror and division – and on at least one occasion an organised massacre. Plutarch tells us of the Spartan custom of krypteia (‘secret operation’), which regularly “culled” the helot population. Young Spartiates were sent into the countryside, and “at night they came down into the roads and slaughtered any of the helots they caught. Often too they journeyed into the fields and did away with the strongest and bravest of them” (Plutarch, Lycurgos, 28). According to Aristotle, the Spartan ephors annually declared war on the Helots, thereby allowing Spartiates to kill them without fear of religious pollution. Even larger culls of the Helot population were organised by the Spartiates. In 425 BC some 2,000 helots were massacred in a carefully staged event: "The helots were invited by a proclamation to pick out those of their number who claimed to have most distinguished themselves against the enemy, in order that they might receive their freedom; the object being to test them, as it was thought that the first to claim their freedom would be the most high spirited and the most apt to rebel. As many as two thousand were selected accordingly, who crowned themselves and went round the temples, rejoicing in their new freedom. The Spartans, however, soon afterwards did away with them, and no one ever knew how each of them perished" (Aristotle, frag. 538 Rose = Plutarch, Lycurgus 28.7).

    The Spartan elite ruled a slave state, a state that relied on the systematic maltreatment of the subjugated helots: degradation, demoralisation and reminders of permanent inferiority were the objective of these practices, such as the requirement that helots wear distinctive and inferior clothing, and be subjected to regular beatings even if they had done no wrong “so that they should never forget that they were slaves” (Plutarch, Lycurgos, 29). In a celebrated passage, Thucydides stresses that "most Spartan institutions have always been designed with a view to security against the Helots" (4.80.3). Aristotle compares them to "an enemy constantly sitting in wait of the disaster of the Spartans" (Politics 1269 a 37-39). Thus, fear seems to be an important factor governing the relations between Spartiates and Helots. According to tradition, the Spartiates always carried their spears, undid the straps of their bucklers only when at home lest the Helots seize them, and locked themselves in their homes (Critias, Frag. B 37; see also Xenophon, Rep. Lac. 12, 4). They also took active measures, subjecting them to what Theopompus describes as "an altogether cruel and bitter condition" (FGH 115 F 13). The Spartan treatment of the Helots was a kind of ideological warfare, designed to condition the Helots to think of themselves as inferiors.
    Perioikoi Pezoi(Reform Unit)

    The Perioikoi Pezoi became the most important non-mercenary soldiery found in Spartan armies in the late third century BC, forming the core of the line infantry in the Spartan armies.

    In Sparta the body of full citizens – the famous homoioi (the “equals”), the Spartiate warriors whose business was national defence, and who lived off the produce of their serf-worked estates – had declined from an original (mid-seventh century BC) figure of some eight or nine thousand to no more than 700 men by 244 BC. By the third century BC the Spartiates had evolved into an elite caste of ultra-conservative landowners into whose hands had fallen the best of the land and a vast preponderance of wealth – a very different picture from the famous 300 warriors who had defied the Persians at Thermopylae. The Spartiates ruled over a population comprised of tens of thousands of non-citizen freedmen (perioikoi), resident aliens (metics) and oppressed serfs (helots) – none of whom had the rights of citizens.

    The Perioikoi or "dwellers around," were free men of Sparta, mainly farmers and merchants who lacked the full citizenship of the Spartiates. They lived in perhaps 80 or 100 towns and villages, in the less fertile land of the hills and coasts. They may have been part of the conquered people, but unlike the helots, they kept their freedom. Increasingly, during the fourth and third centuries BC, the Spartans made use of the Perioikoi to bolster the size of their phalanx. The Perioikoi lived as peasants, fishermen, craftsmen, miners and traders, who led relatively free lives in their small towns and villages. However, they had no political independence, and they were expected to serve in Sparta’s armed forces with no share in making its policies.

    In late 227 BC King Cleomenes III launched a ‘social revolution’ at Sparta that was supported by those countless Spartiates who had lost their smallholdings, and, as a result, under Spartan law, had either lost their citizenship altogether, or had been reduced to the status of second-class citizens (hypomeiones). Cleomenes' domestic enemies, including the ephors, were exiled, all landed property was put into a common pool, debts were cancelled, and the land was divided into 4,000 Spartan lots. The citizen body was made up to around 5,000 from the metics and perioikoi. The traditional Spartan agoge was re-introduced. These reforms were all launched to further Cleomenes’ reactionary dream: the re-establishment of a strong, numerous and privileged elite, the purging of Sparta’s new and effete luxuries, and the resurgence of a matchless standing army. The so-called ‘Spartan revolution’ aimed to restore a near fatally crippled elite. After his coup, Cleomenes took many of the perioikoi into the Spartiate body, so as to form a corps of 4,000 infantry armed "in the Macedonian fashion", that is, as sarissa-armed pikemen rather than as traditional hoplites (Plu. Cleom. 11.3, 23.2). A revitalised Sparta attracted the financial support of Ptolemaic Egypt, which was always eager to back Greek powers willing and able to oppose the ambitions of the Antigonids of Macedon. Ptolemy III Euergetes (246-222 BC) switched his subsidies from the Achaean League to Sparta, enabling Cleomenes to maintain a large number of mercenaries. Cleomenes aimed at the hegemony of the Peloponnese (Plut. Cleom., 15.1; Arat., 41.3) and wished to regain for Sparta at least some of the power and prestige it had lost at Leuctra in 371 BC and with the liberation of Messenia from Spartan rule in 370 BC. Cleomenes vision of a Spartan hegemony would naturally mean the end of the ‘grand days’ of the Achaean League in the Peloponnese. The oligarchs of the Peloponnese were thus horrified not only at the expansion of Spartan power – but also of a Cleomenean social revolution that might redistribute land and wealth within the city-states.

    The "new model" Perioikoi phalanx was manned by men armed as phalangites, with the long Macedonian pike (sarissa), some 18-24 feet long, enabling them to outreach the traditional Greek hoplites and stave off enemy cavalry. The phalangite wore lighter armour, enabling longer endurance and forced marches. In order to wield the sarissa with two hands, the phalangite carried a smaller “Macedonian shield” rather than the larger, heavier apsis of the traditional hoplites. The "Macedonian phalanx" was a slower moving, less flexible formation than the classical hoplite phalanx, relying on a slow inexorable advance rather than the hoplite charge. Given the success of the Macedonian style phalanx throughout the Hellenistic period, the Spartans were actually very slow to adopt it.

    The phalangites were well drilled so as to enable them to execute complex maneuvers on the battlefield. They fought packed in a close rectangular formation, the basic unit of which was a file of sixteen men, the dekas; sixteen dekades formed a syntagma of 256 men; these, in turn, were organized into brigades – taxeis – comprised of six syntagma for a total of some 1,500 men. Each phalangite carries as his primary weapon the trademark of the Macedonian phalanx – the sarissa. The sarissa was a double-pointed pike which by the time of the Successors had grown from its original 18 feet to up to 24 feet by 300 BC. The sarissa was so large and heavy that it was wielded with two hands, and so the phalangite carried a small, less concave bronze shield only 2 feet in diameter. This small shield (pelte) lacked a rim, and had an elbow sling, and was suspended over the shoulder with a baldric. At close range the sarissa was of little use, but an intact phalanx was a formidable force, keeping its enemies at bay and capable of an irresistible advance.

    The extreme depth of their new phalanx formation (the syntagma) was the strength of the Macedonian system. The pikes of the first five rows of men all projected beyond the front of the formation, so that there were more spearpoints than available targets at any given time, providing a daunting line of attack bristling with pikes. Once engaged with the enemy, the syntagmae were nearly unstoppable as long as their flanks were protected by cavalry. The Macedonians would advance at a steady, unrelenting rate, mowing down attacking cavalry and infantry alike until the battle was won. For close fighting, the phalangite carried a short double-edged sword, the xiphos.


    League of Achaia, League of Aitolia, Dynasty of Attalos

    Polis Hoplitai


    The basis of all military power in Greece once revolved around the hoplite. Operating in the close formation known as the phalanx, they are a powerful unit against both cavalry and infantry.

    Greek Hoplites have been a feature of warfare since the 7th Century BC. Their weapons have remained essentially unchanged. The principal weapon is the thrusting spear (dory), eight to nine feet long, with a ash or cornel wood shaft, iron head, and an iron or bronze buttspike. The centre of the shaft is bound with cord for a secure grip. The spear was usually used in an overarm thrust, but it could also be thrust underarm or even thrown. The secondary weapon of the hoplite is the sword, about 60 cm long.

    The “Argive” shield (called aspis or hoplon) is large, 80 cm-1 meter in diameter, convex, made of wood covered with a thin bronze sheet, and is carried with two handles, a bronze porpax in the centre through which the forearm passes, and a cord antilabe at the rim. Hoplites commonly wore greaves, clipped around the legs by their own elasticity, wear bronze helmets with cheek-pieces and horsehair crests. Over the Greek woollen tunic, chiton, the hoplite wears a non-metallic corselet. The heavier and more expensive iron cuirass has increasingly disappeared since the 5th Century BC, as hoplites sought to be swifter and more flexible on the battlefield. In addition, as hoplites were required to equip themselves, cheaper armour grew more popular. The linen corselet – the linothorakes – wraps around the body, tying under the left arm and is split below the waist into strips called pteruges (feathers) for ease of movement.

    Hoplites form up into a formation on a frontage of about 3 feet per man, with each man’s right protected by his neighbours projecting shield. Hoplites most commonly fought in multiples of four ranks deep, usually eight, though 4, 12 and 16 was also common. In this formation, the hoplites found mutual protection from an accumulation of shields to their front, rear and side. Normally a phalanx of hoplites will advance directly for their enemy, breaking into a run for the last few yards, seeking to close as fast as possible to minimise missile casualties. Ancient Greek battle was a terrible collision of hoplites on the run. What followed this initial collision was the push, or othismos, as ranks to the rear put their bodies into the hollows of their shields and forced those ahead constantly forwards. The hoplite phalanx was vulnerable to flanking attacks, and if the hoplite formation is dispersed or broken then the hoplites are at a great disadvantage. If surrounded or vulnerable to surprise attacks, hoplites would form a hollow square, with baggage, camp-followers and light troops in the centre.

    While hoplite arms and armour was burdensome, poorly suited to the summer climate, and uncomfortable, the hoplite panoply accomplished one crucial task: it gave thirty minutes or more of relative protection in which a fighter could close with his enemy and strike savagely with the spear. Hoplite armour was often offensive rather than purely defensive; it was designed to allow a hoplite a chance to carve out a path for those behind him in the phalanx. At times men literally bashed each other with the “defensive” armour of shield, helmet and corselet as those to the rear pushed these human “rams” inexorably onward.

    Hoplites were formed from among the citizens of a polis, as a part-time volunteer militia, and so did not receive wages. For this reason, Greek military campaigns were traditionally short and largely confined to the summer. The traditional Greek conflict involved hoplite armies moving directly to their target, and seeking a decisive set piece battle. Yet this form of warcraft vanished after the Peloponnesian War, being replaced by longer campaigns, requiring larger armies, and with an ever-greater reliance on specialist peltasts, light infantry and mercenaries. Finally, hoplites found themselves outclassed by the spread of the “Macedonian phalanx”, which was deeper and used the longer sarissa rather than the spear. Hoplite equipment became lighter, and hoplites more flexible, but nonetheless traditional hoplite warfare was in inexorable decline during the Hellenistic Period. Despite this, the Macedonian phalanx was slow to spread to mainland Greece, where hoplite equipment endured among the Achaean League, Sparta, Athens and the Aetolian League until well into the first century BC. Unlike mercenary hoplites, the citizen phalanx is comprised of men of all ages, from the young to men in their 50s and even 60s. While this strengthens the formation, steadying it with veterans, it also impacts upon the unit’s speed and endurance.

    The Achaean League was a confederation of Greek poleis located in Achaea, a territory on the northern coast of the Peloponnese. While there had been an Achaean Confederation during the fifth and fourth centuries BC, the Achaean League was reformed in 280 BC by twelve towns in the northern Peloponnesus and quickly grew to include non-Achaean city-states. The League was governed by two elected strategoi, a federal council with proportional representation of members, and an annual assembly of all free citizens. The League achieved a common coinage and foreign policy and the member city-states pooled their armed forces. While Achaea was noted for its light infantry (theurophoroi), skirmishers and missile troops, the Achaean League made every effort to recruit, equip and maintain heavy infantry to bolster its military. While the Achaean League was first formed to oppose the hegemony of Macedonia in the Peloponnese, it soon emerged as a Greek power in its own right, and proved to have a flexible foreign policy in the constantly shifting world of Greek politics.
    Thureophoroi

    The Thureophoroi were flexible light infantry, adept as skirmishers and ambushers, but also able to form a tighter formation and serve in the main battle line.

    Thureophoroi were rated among the light troops, the "euzoni", and were used as skirmishers, steadily eclipsing the peltasts in the Hellenistic Period. They were used to support skirmishers, to protect the vulnerable flanks of the heavy phalanx formation, and to screen heavier troops in difficult country or on the march. The Thureophoroi were an “intermediate” class of soldier, ranked between the heavy phalanx and the lighter skirmishers. Though capable of fighting hand-to-hand with other light infantry, they could not long stand up to a pike-phalanx.

    Thureophoroi carried the oval thureos, from which they derived their name. The thureos was modeled on the standard Keltoi (Galatian) shield, which the Greeks encountered in 280-275 BC, and which became popular thereafter in the third century among the Greeks and Illyrians, called in Greek the "thureos". The shield is painted white, with a spined boss and central handgrip.

    Over a simple tunic, the Epirote Thureophoroi wore an iron cuirass, with pteruges ('feathers'), as well as a simple red-brown short cloak. Their other protection was the Macedonian helmet, with a short horsehair crest.

    Their principal weapon was the javelin, and they went into battle with a bundle of these. The secondary weapon of the Thureophoroi was the sword.

    The Epirote tribes of north-western Greece inhabited a region where classical hoplite warfare had always been limited because of the mountainous terrain, and peltasts were common. The Epirotes adopted the weapons and fighting style of the Thureophoroi with enthusiasm. A further stimulus were the campaigns of King Pyrrhos of Epiros in Italy and Sicily (280-275 BC), where the Epirotes encountered the maniple-style warfare of the native Romans and Oscans. Pyrrhos sought to develop an "articulated" version of the Macedonian Phalanx, whereby the main battle line was comprised of alternate units of phalangites and the more flexible maniples of swordsmen. In this manner, Pyrrhos sought to develop a more flexible battle line against the Romans.
    Greek Peltastai

    These highly valued skirmishers are better equipped for close combat than psiloi, so were used in ambushes or to drive off skirmishers. Peltasts could be used to support cavalry against superior enemy horse, to to protect the flanks and rear of the hoplite phalanx.

    Peltasts were professional, lightly-equipped, infantry, who were nonetheless better armed that the ordinary skirmishers recruited from among the poorer classes of the Greek poleis, and they emerged as the characteristic mercenary infantry of the fourth century BC Greek armies. While hoplites were highly sought after mercenaries for foreign paymasters overseas, in Greece itself specialist troops like peltasts were highly sought after by the city-states. Regions such as Achaea and Aitolia, mountainous and poor, were highly regarded for their peltasts, men who were skilled with the javelin from boyhood.

    This style of fighting had first emerged in Thrace, from where the first “peltasts” were hired as foreign mercenaries, and hence the “peltast” took his name from the pelte, the characteristic Thracian light shield. Greeks themselves soon adopted this style of combat: the pelte itself had disappeared by the Hellenistic Period, replaced by a stronger round shield, but nonetheless the name endured. The peltasts were far more effective skirmishers than the Greek psiloi because they were equipped with a small shield, and so were less vulnerable to defensive barrages of javelins and arrows.

    The Athenian Iphikrates won his greatest victory against Sparta, at the battle of Lechaeum (391 BC), defeating the Spartan hoplites with his peltast’s javelin fire. Iphikrates re-equipped peltasts with swords, and improved their performance so that they were able to serve as both skirmishers and engage in hand-to-hand combat as part of the battle-line. While the role of peltasts was increasingly overtaken by thuerophoroi in the Hellenistic Period, nonetheless they endured among the poleis of central and southern Greece, and among the traditionalist Greek poleis of Sicily and Magna Graecia.

    The peltast wears an Attic helmet and carries a small, round shield with a thin bronze layer. The boots he wears are iphikratatides, light and easy to untie, said to have been introduced by Iphikrates. The principal weapon of the peltast is the javelin, and he is armed with a bundle of these, which he is able to throw with great force and accuracy, aided by a javelin thong. The thong was fixed onto the javelin with a temporary hitch knot, and form a loop which was hooked round the index finger; it fell off the javelin when it was thrown, and was retained in the hand. The peltast is also equipped with a sword as his secondary weapon, for use in close combat.
    Greek Thorakitai (Reform Unit)





    Battle Images
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    In Game Battle Images







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    Afterword
    We at RTR hope you have enjoyed this, our fifth preview of RTR VII. This will probably be our last BIG preview. However, we do have more previews in the works so stay tuned! Development continues on many aspects of the mod, from the finishing touches being applied to the faction icons to the insertion of the last remaining unit descriptions. Our Concept Development forum has been very active as of late, with new and innovative gameplay ideas constantly being proposed and discussed. Our beta testers have been very busy testing units and campaign difficulty, and will soon be moving on to economic balancing.

    I would to take this time and welcome a new member to the development team of RTR VII, hollowfaith. Hollowfaith is a composer and will be writing music for some of the cultures that are currently lacking it at present. I hope to bring you some of his work at a later date. Again, if you are interested in helping in the development or testing of RTR VII, please drop one of us a PM or post in the recruitment thread.

    Until next time, farewell.
    Last edited by Finn; November 06, 2010 at 05:59 PM.


  3. #3

    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    incredible preview team, i'm really amazed!
    Click on my sig and check out my modelling works! Your opinion is welcome!


  4. #4
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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    Well done all, an excellent job from the whole team.

    My special thanks to HamilcarBarca for all the "History", and to Finn for compiling and coordinating the Preview.

  5. #5

    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    Could I please ask three questions regarding the history part? The text above is rather interesting.

    1. Who was Aristodemos of Macedon?
    Antigonas II Gonatas sent a contingent of mercenaries led by Aristodemos of Macedon.
    2. Who would be the leader in Athens at this time(the celtic invasion)?

    and a mixed one:

    3. why did you give the thorakitai swords as melee weapons instead of spears?

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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    I think Hamilcarbarca is best placed to answer questions one and two. Also, even though I compiled our Thorakitai and armed them with javelins and sword, I'm going to side step question three and refer you to HB again, as it was after conversations with History that I equipped them so.

    Thureophoroi and Thorakitai were both armed with javelin, spear and shield, and as the game can only support two weapons, one had to go. The Greeks already have a number of spear armed, phalanx troops so, as a Greek Reform unit, we thought that it would both add variety and better emphasise the adoption of a more Latin approach to fighting, if the Thorakitai had a javelin primary and a sword secondary instead - a kind of "imitation" legionary if you like.
    Last edited by Tony83; September 22, 2010 at 10:09 PM.

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    Remlap's Avatar Lag Slayer
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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    This is awesome guys Lets keep it up

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    Finn's Avatar Total Realism
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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    And of course yourself Tony for your excellent renders and screens.


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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    Aristodemus of Macedonia as the commander of the Antigonid army in Thermopylae.

    http://www.livius.org/di-dn/diadochi/diadochi_t11.html

    Anaxikrates as rulling Athens in 280 BC.
    <iframe width="480" height="360" src="https://www.kickstarter.com/projects...get/video.html" frameborder="0" scrolling="no"> </iframe>

  10. #10

    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    Great work team!!


    Under patronage of Spirit of Rob; Patron of Century X, Pacco, Cherryfunk, Leif Erikson.

  11. #11
    Maurits's Avatar ЯTR
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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    This is awesome guys! Compliments to all who've worked on this!

    RTR: Imperium Surrectum Team Member
    My AAR: For Glory and the Republic!

    Proud to be patronized by ybbon66

  12. #12
    Carados's Avatar Senator
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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    Meh.
    I still prefer Epirus


    Do the Thorakitai have a description? Just had a skim through and I didn't see too much about them in the units preview.
    Developer for the Extended Realism mod for RTR Platinum.
    Developer for RTRVII and protégé of Caligula Caesar

    The ExRM forum: come for the mod, stay for the Classical History discussions. Or vice versa.


  13. #13
    Finn's Avatar Total Realism
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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    The Thorakita are one of the few outstanding unit descriptions that still need to be done.


  14. #14

    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    Great reading! Congratz team! Keep up the good work!

  15. #15

    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    Awesome skins, good work guys

  16. #16
    Jaguar Paw's Avatar Senator
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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    Excellent job to the whole RTR team! Great units. Can't wait till this mod is released.
    Member: The Frontier. Researcher, Skinner, and Modeler.












    Member: The Frontier Researcher

  17. #17
    TiTiTimmy's Avatar Centenarius
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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    It looks really good love the units +rep
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    Breaking and gluing back together and trying to pass off as never being broken in the first place.
    Assault with a weapon that couldn't have possibly been deadly, but unfortunately was

    "You know what they say: give a man a fish, and he'll stink up the whole town. Give a man a fishing rod -- see where I'm going here? Give him a fishing rod and he'll poke your eye out."

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  18. #18
    MorganH.'s Avatar Finis adest rerum
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    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    Another amazing and indepth preview,as allways!

    Greetings!

  19. #19

    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    Mmm, great preview. Keep it up

  20. #20

    Default Re: RTR VII Preview V - The Greeks

    I was really looking forward to this preview (that is to say, a Greek preview), and I love it. I am really looking forward to playing a campaign as basically every Greek faction, so this preview is what I wanted to see most. You guys did a great job with the units and the history section was well done.

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