Images of Peace at Persepolis?

[rez]

How Far Do The Images Adorning Persepolis Promote The Idea of a Benevolent King?

- Do the reliefs at Persepolis try to illustrate that the Persian empire didn’t rely on military intimidation in order to rule?

“The canonical style elicits a sense of placidity, of refinement, of ordered control. These same qualities find expression also on the more direct level of imagery, as well - wherein imperial power is described through elaborate metaphors of the harmonious ecumenical interactions of the subject peoples in cooperative praise and support of the King of Kings. The internal imagery of these metaphors was carefully culled from models which had clear associations with the realms of piety, reverence and astral forces. Transposed to an imperial context this imagery suggested a sense of spiritual and cosmic authority more pervasive and absolute than any gained through mere military authority.” ( M.C. Root, Leiden, 1979)

- The vast amount of repeated military imagery would suggest that it is not so clear cut. But the style of military depictions does not suggest an intent to outright intimidate any visitors. In order to fully appreciate the difference in military and indeed kingly representation we must first look at the preceding ideals of the Assyrians.

Assyria



- The siege of Lachish was undertaken in 701 B.C. and the reliefs that immortalised it were commissioned by Sennacherib for his palace at Nineveh. The Assyrian soldiers are depicted with full battle armour and weaponry whilst the King presides over the torture of his captives. This style of imagery was designed to invoke fear in the viewer and venerate the terrible power which the monarch possessed.




- Persepolis, by contrast, depicts no scenes of human battle and no soldiers are shown dressed for war. Furthermore the King is depicted not only as someone that receives gifts from his subjects rather than loot but also as someone that dispenses gifts of royal favour. Lastly the foreigners depicted are afforded dignity and grace as well as the honour of being led by the hand of a Persian rather than being driven on by the lash.



The Audience scene and Courtiers





- The audience scene is the prime example of the calm and composed monarch receiving his guest and gifts with serene dignity. He carries a staff of office instead of a weapon and in his other hand he holds a lotus flower which is a symbol of eternity and continuity due to the 12 petals of the lotus flower. Sekunda also suggests that the flower corresponds to bronze tokens handed out as gifts of favour to courtiers. This image signifies the King as the arbiter of glory and goodness as well as cementing the ideal of the giving King who so often talks of rewarding his loyal subjects.

- Whilst the King carries no weapons personally, there is always a man on hand to carry the King’s royal arms should he need it. Moreover the King is depicted under a guard of spearmen whilst he receives his foreign guests. It is notable that his bodyguards are accorded the honour of wearing the same head dress as the King and when linked with Herodotus’ statement (Herodotus 7. 41) that there was a guard of 1000 spearmen drawn from the nobility it is possible that the audience scene as well as the reliefs of the dignitaries intend to show how utterly the Persian nobility cooperated and supported the King.

- However, within the context of Darius’ violent ascension to the throne this may well have more meaning in a gesture of honouring men Darius knew all too well that he would have to trust completely. With both weapons and guardsmen on hand to be loosed at any moment, the overall image is that the King has abundant physical power but, with the Assyrian precedent in mind, is not going to abuse that power because, as he intends to be seen as a force for the good of his subjects, he doesn‘t have to.



- The ease and relaxation which the Persian courtiers display evokes a very placid image of the court proceedings at Persepolis that dispel the idea that subjects would have to be terrified of the King and his power. The images intend to suggest that the King did not inspire fear amongst his courtiers and subjects.


The Royal Hero




- Whilst it has been suggested that the dress of this figure denies the possibility that it is the King, M.C. Root suggests that the man depicted doing battle with these mythical creatures is the King dressed in the garb of an idealised Persian common man. Either way the effect of the relief is that the Persian regime use their military might to fight the notion of evil. By extension this would make all enemies of the Persian empire into evil doers. Nylander has asserted that there is no real evidence that this relief depicts a part of any new year festival but that its placement on the door jambs points to the idea of the Persian protecting the palace from these evil creatures. Moreover the re-use of these defeated mythical creatures as the very column heads that support the palace signify the King’s ability to subdue and tame evil for the good of the land. A recurring theme in the art at Persepolis is the good that the King does for the empire and its people as well as the goods that his people bring him. This is a huge departure from previous near eastern monarchic ideals that only seek to highlight what the King takes from the land.

- With the palace as a microcosm of the empire the effect is that the King and his faithful protect the empire from evil. Since this is the only scene in which a soldier is depicted in action; the rows upon rows of Persian soldiers illustrated at Persepolis are tied to this one theme rather than anything else.

The Soldiers



- The soldiers throughout the palace invoke a continuing theme of the duality of Achaemenid representations of power. On the one hand, the subjects of the empire merrily bring gifts and praise for their King from all across the globe in apparent willingness and joy. But on the other hand they are matched by a huge mass of soldiers in uniform and regimented ranks. One cannot ignore the prevalence of military artwork throughout Persepolis but the way in which the troops are depicted suggests the intent to invoke hushed respect rather than outright fear. The soldiers wear no armour and are more often than not dressed in ceremonial robes without shields. They are symbolic portraits of calm and stately parade troops rather than fearsome, Assyrian thugs, clad in bronze and sacking a town. The effect, whilst achieved in a different manner, is still similar. They are meant to inspire belief in the physical power of the Persian empire and the ruling monarch should the need arise to unleash it.



- An important point to note is the replacement of the stately audience scene relief in the centre of the Apadana staircases with a new relief that simply depicted Persian soldiers. Since there appears to be no practical reason for the replacement it would have to have been an aesthetic choice. However this is a puzzling decision as the placement of the King seated in state between the foreign delegations on one side and his courtiers and troops on the other appears to have been a carefully choreographed image. The replacement simply evokes a central role for the Persian army rather than the King’s court and suggests a decision to promote military supremacy.



- It is unknown when this replacement occurred but it is tempting to date it to the construction works of Artaxerxes I who used the most militaristic imagery of any of the Kings who built at Persepolis. That being said the image of the King as the head of the military rather than a head of state is not overwrought and is counterbalanced by a similar image on the corresponding gate that shows the King only with his civilian subjects. What the relief does suggest is a move towards promoting the King’s role as commander in chief and the similarity between the top row of troops and the replacement relief suggests that this was possibly a joint initiative. In any case, the king is, as ever, calm and composed as he sits unarmed amongst his troops.


The Foreign Subjects





- The reliefs of the foreign delegations bringing gifts to the King are constructed around the idea that the King commands the respect and praise from people travelling from all over the world. It is primarily an illustration of his far reaching power but it is executed in a manner as to suggest that it is his far reaching benevolence that inspired so many people to bring so many gifts to him. The held hands and smiling faces are a testament to the ideal of happy and willing subjects demonstrating their love for the regime. However the foundation inscription of Darius (DPe) clearly states that the nations which bring him tribute did so because they felt fear of him. But since the only version of the inscription which mentions fear is in Old Persian it is unlikely that this was intended to mock the tribute bringers. In any case with this inscription in mind we can see the wider context and reality behind the tribute procession even though the imagery very much affects the ideal of peaceful and willing cooperation.



- The throne bearers can be taken to seem as though they are some kind of exploited populace hefting an uncaring King atop their shoulders. But Root observes that their posture reflects a joyous ease with which they perform their task. Moreover, the ease comes from the cooperation of all the people in the empire is a metaphor for the rewards which the King promises his loyal subjects.

Conclusions

- The artwork at Persepolis is carefully constructed to invoke an idealised image of serene and willing cooperation from the subjects of the Persian empire.

- The prevalence of military imagery reflects a realists understanding of what it actually takes to enforce cooperation but is displayed in an idealistic manner. However the point remains that physical power is the most recurring theme at Persepolis.

- The benevolence of the King is enforced by his troops through characterising enemies of the state as evil doers rather than simple rebels. In this way the King and his army are perpetually cast as a moral and benevolent force no matter who they fight. The key is to refrain from depicting Persia triumphing over mortal enemies but instead doing battle with the idea of evil itself.

[Heinz Guderian]

Moar like this. Rep+

[Legio]

Moar like this. Rep+

[rez]

I recently made this into an essay if anyone would like to see it?

[athanaric]

Yes, please.

[rez]

Yes, please.

Sorry for the double post but I forgot to post the follow up essay. As always, #'s are where my citations were.

How Far Do The Images Adorning Persepolis Promote The Idea of a Benevolent King?


The reliefs at Persepolis are remarkable for their comparative lack of violent imagery; so much so that it could be suggested that the Persian monarchy wished to be represented as being able to rule without the need for the threat of military action. M. C. Root has suggested that the metaphorical imagery of cosmological harmony is more pervasive and important than the use of physical intimidation in the artwork#. Indeed the use of mythical creatures as column heads and as defeated beasts promotes the image of universal and religious order attained by the Persian empire. However, one cannot escape the ever present use of militaristic imagery on almost every building in the Persepolis area. This is not to say that the prevalence of military artwork denotes an attempt to portray a primarily military dictatorship but that the importance of the King’s troops was not curtailed in his representation of authority. The main point of interest is that despite stressing the King’s military power a continuous effort is made to assure the viewer that Persian rule is supported voluntarily by its subjects because of the social and cosmic harmony that it brings.

In order to fully appreciate the use of serene artwork at Persepolis it is essential to investigate the monuments of the preceding near eastern empire builders, the Assyrians. Perhaps the most brutal display of Assyrian royal depiction is found on the reliefs that decorated the palace of Nineveh. The images depict the Siege of Lachish undertaken by Sennacherib and include the King presiding over the flaying of prisoners and collection of loot from the ruined city#. The soldiers that decorate these reliefs are depicted in full battle dress as they torture their victims. The reliefs send the clear message that the Assyrian empire’s rule is to be feared and respected or severe punishment will be administered by the King. This sort of fearsome imagery was a common feature of Assyrian decoration and the fact that it was displayed at royal palaces emphasises the Assyrian ideology of rule just as the Persepolis reliefs emphasise that of the Persians. The reliefs of Sargon II at his palace at Khorsabad are every bit as militaristic as his successors#. The key elements uniting Assyrian imagery being that of intimidating the viewer into obedience and glorifying the military victories of the Assyrian kings.

By contrast the reliefs at Persepolis show no scenes of brutal conquest and no soldiers are shown dressed for war. Furthermore the King is depicted as someone that receives gifts from his subjects rather than forcibly removing their possessions. Sekunda has also suggested that the tokens which the courtiers carry were in fact gifts given by the King#. This casts the Persian King as the arbiter of favour and glory rather than a greedy tyrant amassing treasure. The audience scene is the prime example of the calm and composed monarch receiving his guest and gifts with serene dignity. He carries a staff of office instead of a weapon and in his other hand he holds a lotus flower with its twelve petals symbolising the eternal nature of his rule. The King is also depicted as being larger than his subjects and the Winged disc of Ahuramazda always hovers over him bestowing its divine grace and approval upon him#. Further to this, two winged Sphinxes are also depicted above the relief on the Apadana stairs that are intended to ward off evil#. The overall picture is that of a serene monarch holding court rather than presiding over destruction whilst his person and government are consecrated by religious creatures and the divine.

However, whilst the King carries no weapons personally he constantly has a man on hand carrying his Royal weaponry should he require it. Moreover the King is depicted as sitting under a guard of spearmen whilst the foreign delegations visit in this audience relief but on the reliefs of the palaces where the king walks at leisure he is attended only by his chamberlains. The reliefs thusly illustrate that the monarch is to be shown with his troops when in the presence of foreigners either for his own protection or to remind the delegations of the king’s power. In either circumstance this part of the image reflects, if only slightly, the reality of Achaemenid authority. An interesting point is that the soldiers guarding the king are the only troops accorded the honour of wearing the same style of head dress as the King and his heir#. When taken in context with Herodotus’ remark that the King retained a guard unit comprised entirely of nobles# it is possible to suggest that these guardsmen were a representation of nobility. In this way the audience scene of the King is portrayed as being so utterly supported by the nobility that they are entrusted with guarding his person. Moreover within the context of Darius’ violent ascension to the throne the ideal of noble bodyguards may well be a bid to represent the trust he honours his nobility with. The rows of noble courtiers depicted add to the image of a unified court free from the sort of strife that necessitated Darius’ coup#. The courtiers are shown completely at ease with their position and comrades and the message conveyed by the reliefs is one of relaxed leisure far removed from the idea of a violent tyrant‘s court#.

The only scenes of violence at Persepolis are undertaken by the so called ‘Royal Hero’ who is cast as a righteous warrior doing battle with mythical creatures that represent evil#. It has been suggested that the dress of the Royal Hero means that it cannot be a representation of the King# but Root has argued that the man depicted doing battle with these mythical creatures is the King dressed in the garb of an idealised Persian common man#. Either way the effect of the relief is that the Persian regime use their military might to fight the notion of evil. The evil which the creatures represent can be linked with the idea of ‘The Lie’ that Darius consistently denounces in his inscriptions# which lends itself to the idea that this is the king battling with this diabolical force. In either case, Root continues that the positioning of the reliefs on the entrances to the Palace signify that along with the mythical protectors, the sphinxes and human-headed, winged bulls at Xerxes’ ‘Gate of all Nations’#, it is the Persian man that protects the palace from evil. Moreover this subjugation of evil is represented in the use of these defeated beasts as the column heads that would support the roof of the palace. If we look at the palace as a microcosm of the empire as a whole then the clear message is that the Persian king protects the empire from chaos and devastation with his physical power and the image of the heroic figure stabbing the belly of a vicious beast conveys the idea that the King is not only taking from his subjects like the Assyrian reliefs would illustrate but giving them safety in return. Whilst violent in its illustration the key ideal the viewer is intended to take away from this is the benevolence of Persian rule.

The soldiers throughout the palace invoke a continuing theme of the duality of Achaemenid representations of power. On the one hand of the Apadana reliefs, the subjects of the empire merrily bring gifts and praise for their King from all across the globe in apparent willingness and joy. But on the other hand they are matched by a huge mass of soldiers in uniform and regimented ranks#. This theme of military representation is reproduced throughout the entire complex and the prevalence of these soldiers would suggest, at first glance, that the Persian representation of power was a militaristically crude as that of the Assyrians. However, an inspection of how the soldiers are portrayed reveals a far more sophisticated style of representing physical power. The troops are shown entirely without armour and are, more often than not, dressed in ceremonial robes without shields. They stand uniformly at attention rather than in any kind of aggressive pose and their expressions are as serene as the depictions of the King. The soldiers stand as symbolic portraits of calm and stately parade troops rather than fearsome, Assyrian thugs, clad in bronze and sacking a town. But the effect, whilst achieved in a different manner, is still similar. They are meant to inspire belief in the physical power of the Persian empire and the ruling monarch should the need arise to unleash it. What distinguishes this representation of the King’s power is that the troops are idealised as heroic rather than vicious. This idyllic imagery is emphasised by the use of the Royal Hero’s combat with evil. As this is the only image of a warrior actually fulfilling his role as a soldier at Persepolis it links all of the troops depicted to this one ideal fight. The intended resulting message is that these rows upon rows of troops are an image of power but this power is only unleashed for the good of the empire and its subjects.

However, the recurring nature of the troops in every area and the considerable space allotted to them on the Apadana reliefs hints at the possibility of a genuine attempt to subtly intimidate the viewer into obedience. The homogeneous appearance of the guardsmen on the reliefs have led some to identify this group of soldiers as the king’s prestige unit, the ‘Immortals’#. The appearance of the King’s army as well as his personal guardsmen evokes the idea not only of household security but the offensive capability of the Royal house. The army units are accorded a large place of honour on one half of the staircase relief along with the Persian courtiers. Given that they oppose the long queues of gift bearing foreigners there is the distinct impression that the army has a great deal to do with why these nations are bringing presents to the king. This is a clear representation of the physical, rather than metaphorical, power which the Persian monarch wields although the supporting imagery attempts to compliment the troops with the ideals of battling evil. The military nature of the artwork at Persepolis is boosted by the later replacement of the audience scene relief with a simple depiction of Persian soldiers#. The audience scene occupied a central and commanding position in the staircase’s artwork and as such was a carefully choreographed image of the king at the centre of the empire’s proceedings. To replace the central panels with images of soldiers was to suggest that the army was now the key component to the empire’s success. It is unknown when and why this relief was replaced but if the idea was to enhance the military aspect of the artwork then one could posit that it was undertaken by Artaxerxes I who was the only Achaemenid king to represent himself solely as the head of the army#. The image of the king as the head of the army still retains the ideal of the King as the calm and regal authority figure and the troops are still idealised hero figures but the image emphasises, more than any other in the complex, the king’s military power. With this in mind it becomes possible to suggest that it was in this period of militaristic promotion that the audience scene was removed. Frye has argued that the replacement of the reliefs was due to a new king, either Artaxerxes I or III, being reminded of their turbulent ascension by the figure of the crown prince in the relief#. But Kuhrt has pointed out that the careful preservation of the relief rather than its destruction would imply that this wasn’t replaced out of a need to remove the image from memory#. As such it could be suggested that in the face of Xerxes’ failed military exploits his son took it upon himself to restore a form of prestige to the Persian military through this artwork.

The images of the foreign subjects are perhaps the most compelling argument for the intention to cast the Achaemenid monarchy as benevolent. The foreign delegations are universally depicted as dignified, honoured guests led by the hand of a Persian noble#. The reliefs of the foreign delegations bringing gifts to the King are constructed around the idea that the King commands the respect and praise from people travelling from all over the world. It is primarily an illustration of his far reaching power but it is executed in a manner as to suggest that it is his far reaching benevolence that inspired so many people to bring so many gifts to him. The held hands and smiling faces are a testament to the ideal of willing subjects demonstrating their apparent collaboration and support for the regime#. The idea that the gift bearers are overshadowed by the military presence is supported by the inscription of Darius on the Persepolis foundation which states that the nations are bringing him tribute out of fear#. However the inscription appears only in old Persian rather than as a trilingual text and therefore appears to be reserved only for the delight of either the few literate in old Persian or simply Darius himself. Therefore the image presented to the average visitor would not be transformed far from the ideal of a happy populace. The theme of willing compliance and support for the Achaemenid monarchy is repeated in the imagery of the throne bearing subjects where a collection of men from each subject people carry the King aloft#. This image appears both at the Persepolis palace and the tombs at Naqš-i Rustam and Briant argues that this depiction of the foreign subjects contains the ideals of political subjugation rather than the collaboration of the gift bearers#. Indeed the tomb of Darius depicts giant Persian soldiers to the side of the throne bearers overseeing the operation#. However, Root has argued that the pose which the throne bearers affect in their labour suggests an easy task and that this a tribute to what can be achieved through cooperation#. Taken as a whole the image of willing exultation of the king fits far more congruously with the artwork at Persepolis and an intended image of subjugation would only nullify the ideal created by the rest of the reliefs at the palace.

Overall the imagery at Persepolis has been very carefully crafted to impress the viewer with the power and authority of the Persian king. The prevalence of military imagery reflects a realists understanding of what it actually takes to enforce cooperation but is displayed in an idealistic manner. The benevolence of the King is enforced by his troops through characterising enemies of the state as evil doers rather than simple rebels. In this way the King and his army are perpetually cast as a moral and benevolent force no matter who they fight. By refraining from depicting Persia triumphing over mortal enemies but instead doing battle with the idea of evil itself the rows of soldiers do not represent an intended attempt to undercut the abundant images of grateful and joyous foreign gift and throne bearers. Thus with the king can only be seen as intending to be represented as a benevolent ruler. To a cynical viewer the prevalence of military artwork might undermine the lengths with which the Persians went to depict their subjects as content and willing. But the parallel lengths to which they went to portray the troops as heroes goes a long way to soothing any tyrannical suspicions, especially with the Assyrian context in mind.



Further Reading:

-Herodotus, The Histories, Trans. C. Maculay, (New York: Barnes and Noble, 2004)


-Briant, Pierre, From Cyrus To Alexander. A History of the Persian Empire, Peter Daniels trans. (Paris: 1996)

-Brosius, Maria, The Persian Empire From Cyrus II To Artaxerxes I, (London: 2000)

-P. Calmeyer, ‘Greek Historiography And Achaemenid Reliefs’, in Achaemenid History

II, Heleen Sancisi-Weerdenburg and Amélie Kuhrt (eds), (Leiden, 1987).

- R. N. Frye, ‘Persepolis Again,’ in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 33, No. 4, pp. 383-386, http://www.jstor.org/stable/544774. 03/03/10

-Kuhrt, Amélie, The Persian Empire, (London: 2007)

-M. C. Root, ‘The King and Kingship in Achaemenid Art’, in Acta Iranica 19, E.J. Brill

(ed), (Leiden: 1979).

-Sekunda, N. The Persian army, (Oxford: 1992)

-S. Smith, ‘An Achaemenean Relief from Persepolis,’ The British Museum Quarterly,

Vol. 12, No. 2 (Apr., 1938), 35. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4422045, 02/03/10

-C. Tuplin, ‘Treacherous Hearts And Upright Tiaras: The Achaemenid King’s Head-

Dress’ in Persian Responses, (Swansea: 2007).

-J. Wiesehöfer, Ancient Persia, 24-25, (London: 2004)

[Augustus Lucifer]

Nice essay.

Sorry for the double post but I forgot to post the follow up essay. As always, #'s are where my citations were.

Do you mean that you removed them since they wouldn't work in forum format? You can do citations in forum format, it's just a bit more methodical. To achieve the small/raised number effect, use tags like [SIZE="1"][sup]1[/sup][/SIZE] which will produce ¹. For the linking part, you can use jump and anchor tags, like so:

Heinz is the son of a silly person.¹ (The 1 can be clicked)

(BB Code: [SIZE="1"][sup][jump=C1]1[/jump][/sup][/SIZE])

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¹ Monty Python and the Holy Grail

(BB Code: [SIZE="1"][sup][anchor=C1]1[/anchor][/sup][/SIZE])

When people click jump tags, pressing the back button on the browser will take them to the point in the page they were just at.

[rez]

Nice essay.



Do you mean that you removed them since they wouldn't work in forum format? You can do citations in forum format, it's just a bit more methodical. To achieve the small/raised number effect, use tags like [SIZE="1"][sup]1[/sup][/SIZE] which will produce ¹. For the linking part, you can use jump and anchor tags, like so:

Heinz is the son of a silly person.¹ (The 1 can be clicked)

(BB Code: [SIZE="1"][sup][jump=C1]1[/jump][/sup][/SIZE])

.
.
.
.
.

¹ Monty Python and the Holy Grail

(BB Code: [SIZE="1"][sup][anchor=C1]1[/anchor][/sup][/SIZE])

When people click jump tags, pressing the back button on the browser will take them to the point in the page they were just at.

Actually its just because im lazy and only copy pasted the essay from word. I'm too lazy to actually go through all the references.

Very interesting, but perhaps not balanced enough. These images have propaganda as their purpose, so you should not be so quick to buy into their message. Fascinating, however, and I am glad to have read your post.

I thought I did my best to make sure I was talking about the image they were trying to present rather than the image itself. But I'm glad you liked it.

[Exarch]

interesting
good stuff; love bronze age civilisations of the fertile valley reliefs

[Babur]

interesting
good stuff; love bronze age civilisations of the fertile valley reliefs

Persepolis (Takht-e-Jamshid) was built later than the bronze age though .

Another famous inscription from Achaemenid times, also by Darius (Dariush)



translation of the inscription:

1.1] I (am) Darius, the great king, the king of kings, the king in Persia, the king of countries, the son of Hystaspes, the grandson of Arsames, the Achaemenide. [1.2] Says Darius the king: My father (is) Hystaspes, the father of Hystaspes (is) Arsames, the father of Arsames (is) Ariaramnes, the father of Ariaramnes (is Teispes), the father of Teispes (is) Achaemenes.
[1.3] Says Darius the king: Therefore we are called the Achaemenides; from long ago we have extended; from long ago our family have been kings.
[1.4] Says Darius the king: 8 of my family (there were) who were formerly kings; I am the ninth (9); long aforetime we were (lit. are) kings.
[1.5] Says Darius the king: By the grace of Auramazda I am king; Auramazda gave me the kingdom.
[1.6] Says Darius the king: These are the countries which came to me; by the grace of Auramazda I became king of them; Persia, Susiana, Babylonia, Assyria, Arabia, Egypt, the (lands) which are on the sea, Sparda, Ionia, [Media], Armenia, Cappadocia, Parthia, Drangiana, Aria, Chorasmia, Bactria, Sogdiana, Ga(n)dara, Scythia, Sattagydia, Arachosia, Maka; in all (there are) 23 countries.
[1.7] Says Darius the king: These (are) the countries which came to me; by the grace of Auramazda they became subject to me; they bore tribute to me; what was commanded to them by me this was done night and (lit. or) day.
[1.8] Says Darius the king: Within these countries what man was watchful, him who should be well esteemed I esteemed; who was an enemy, him who should be well punished I punished; by the grace of Auramazda these countries respected my laws; as it was commanded by me to them, so it was done.
[1.9] Says Darius the king: Auramazda gave me this kingdom; Auramazda bore me aid until I obtained this kingdom; by the grace of Auramazda I hold this kingdom.
[1.10] Says Darius the king: This (is) what (was) done by me after that I became king; Cambyses by name, the son of Cyrus (was) of our family; he was king here; of this Cambyses there was a brother Bardiya (i. e. Smerdis) by name possessing a common mother and the same father with Cambyses; afterwards Cambyses slew that Bardiya; when Cambyses slew Bardiya, it was not known to the people that Bardiya was slain; afterwards Cambyses went to Egypt; when Cambyses went to Egypt, after that the people became hostile; after that there was Deceit to a great extent in the provinces, both in Persia and in Media and in the other provinces.
[1.11] Says Darius the king: Afterwards there was one man, a Magian, Gaumata by name; he rose up from Paishiyauvada; there (is) a mountain Arakadrish by name; from there - 14 days in the month Viyakhna were in course when he rose up; he thus deceived the people; I am Bardiya the son of Cyrus brother of Cambyses; afterwards all the people became estranged from Cambyses (and) went over to him, both Persia and Media and the other provinces; he seized the kingdom; 9 days in the month Garmapada were in course - he thus seized the kingdom; afterwards Cambyses died by a self-imposed death.
[1.12] Says Darius the king: This kingdom which Gaumata the Magian took from Cambyses, this kingdom from long ago was (the possession) of our family; afterwards Gaumata the Magian took from Cambyses both Persia and Media and the other provinces; he seized (the power) and made it his own possession; he became king.
[1.13] Says Darius the king: There was not a man neither a Persian nor a Median nor any one of our family who could make Gaumata the Magian deprived of the kingdom; the people feared his tyranny; (they feared) he would slay the many who knew Bardiya formerly; for this reason he would slay the people; "that they might not know me that I am not Bardiya the son of Cyrus;" any one did not dare to say anything against Gaumata the Magian until I came; afterwards I asked Auramazda for help; Auramazda bore me aid; 10 days in the month Bagayadish were in course I thus with few men slew that Gaumata the Magian and what men were his foremost allies; there (is) a stronghold Sikayauvatish by name; there is a province in Media, Nisaya by name; here I smote him; I took the kingdom from him; by the grace of Auramazda I became king; Auramazda gave me the kingdom.
[1.14] Says Darius the king: The kingdom which was taken away from our family, this I put in (its) place; I established it on (its) foundation; as (it was) formerly so I made it; the sanctuaries which Gaumata the Magian destroyed I restored; for the people the revenue(?) and the personal property and the estates and the royal residences which Gaumata the Magian took from them (I restored); I established the state on (its) foundation, both Persia and Media and the other provinces; as (it was) formerly, so I brought back what (had been) taken away; by the grace of Auramazda this I did; I labored that our royal house I might establish in (its) place; as (it was) formerly, so (I made it); I labored by the grace of Auramazda that Gaumata the Magian might not take away our royal house.
[1.15] Says Darius the king: This (is) what I did, after that I became king.
[1.16] Says Darius the king: When I slew Gaumata the Magian, afterwards there (was) one man Atrina by name, the son of Upadara(n)ma; he rose up in Susiana; thus he said to the people; I am king in Susiana; afterwards the people of Susiana became rebellious (and) went over to that Atrina; he became king in Susiana; and there (was) one man a Babylonian Nidintu-Bel by name, the son of Aniri', he rose up in Babylon; thus he deceived the people; I am Nebuchadrezzar the son of Nabu-na'id; afterwards the whole of the Babylonian state went over to that Nidintu-Bel; Babylon became rebellious; the kingdom in Babylon he seized.
[1.17] Says Darius the king: Afterwards I sent forth (my army) to Susiana; this Atrina was led to me bound; I slew him.
[1.18] Says Darius the king: Afterwards I went to Babylon against that Nidintu-Bel who called himself Nebuchadrezzar; the army of Nidintu-Bel held the Tigris; there he halted and thereby was a flotilla; afterwards I placed my army on floats of skins; one part I set on camels, for the other I brought horses; Auramazda bore me aid; by the grace of Auramazda we crossed the Tigris; there the army of Nidintu-Bel I smote utterly; 26 days in the month Atriyadiya were in course - we thus engaged in battle.
[1.19] Says Darius the king: Afterwards I went to Babylon; when I had not reached Babylon - there (is) a town Zazana by name along the Euphrates - there this Nidintu-Bel who called himself Nebuchadrezzar went with his army against me to engage in battle; afterwards we engaged in battle; Auramazda bore me aid; by the grace of Auramazda the army of Nidintu-Bel I smote utterly; the enemy were driven into the water; the water bore them away; 2 days in the month Anamaka were in course - we thus engaged in battle.

[Exarch]

Persepolis (Takht-e-Jamshid) was built later than the bronze age though .

Another famous inscription from Achaemenid times, also by Darius (Dariush)



translation of the inscription:

my bad lol thanks
nice relief

[hellheaven1987]

Great post, but when did Achaemenid leaders started to associate themselves to more civilian image rather than military??

[rez]

The trend began fairly certainly with Persepolis. Darius seems to have changed his tune after Behistun where he was eager to glorify his magnificent campaign.

You can suggest that Cyrus started the trend but not enough of Parsagadae has survived to be sure. Even so, Persepolis is a much more concerted effort to effect this image.

[hellheaven1987]

Interesting, would it be because Darius tried to stable the empire and required the cooperation of alien population to balance the power of Persian nobles??

By the way, can you give a summary about the reform done by Darius?? I find Herodotus' account is too long for me to clearly figure out what Darius actually did.

[rez]

Well I think it was mainly a rather genius re-assesment of self representation. Essentially he realised that offering reward was more efficient at manipulating submission than threatening punishment.

As a reformist its never really certain but his main efforts were in codifying laws for several provinces, professionalising the army, structuring the taxation system, establishing borders and trade routes and solidifying the power of the six noble families. Its uncertain exactly how far his coinage went but he introduced the first Persian mint. He also created the Persian language as a written script and was possibly behind the prominence of zoroastrianism in the Achaemenid empire.

This isn't just from herodotus though.

[removeduser_487563287433]

Very interesting, but perhaps not balanced enough. These images have propaganda as their purpose, so you should not be so quick to buy into their message. Fascinating, however, and I am glad to have read your post.

[Starlightman]

Great work rez....+rep....congrats

[DAVIDE]

Yep. +rep for your work