1) An argument about what the constitutional "default" is (i.e. whether we need a reason to ban or a reason not to ban). (made by
Viking Prince and
Mango55). Viking Prince puts it fairly well, so I'll quote him:
The government is to be restricted and contained to perform only the actions authorized by the citizens. Citizens are to be free unless there is a
clear need to restrict and contain
to protect the rights of other citizens.
It in not up to the citizen to show need for an action. Why not ban all red colored clothing? Should a citizen be required to then show a need for red colored clothing?
2) We had an argument about whether assault weapons are even covered by the 2nd Amendment.
2) We had an argument about whether the AWB would be constitutional, even if all weapons were covered by the 2nd Amendment (i.e. whether assault weapons would fall within an exception to the amendment). This has two sub arguments:
- Does the 2nd amendment even apply to assault weapons?
- If it does, does it make the AWB unconstitutional?
So let's start with the background. There's actually an important legal difference here depending on whether it's one of the state's or the federal government making the law. The AWB was a federal law, so most of this will focus on federal law analysis. I suggest that you consult the flowchart I made since you're getting about 3 months of Constitutional law in about 20 minutes here:For the
FIRST QUESTION, my guess is that Congress tied the ban into
its power to regulate interstate commerce. There's more theory involved than it's really feasible to cover here (we spent a while on this in my con law class) but the short and sloppy test is: if you can think of
any rational reason at all for thinking that congress would want to ban assault weapons as part of their regulation of interstate commerce, then the AWB will pass this part of the test. This test is called the
rational basis test. (remember this name - it's important.)
Three things to note about the test: First, the "burden of proof" is on the person contesting the law. That means if you don't like the law
you have to show that there's no possible rational reason for Congress to pass the law in order to invalidate it. Second, we don't care under this test whether Congress actually acted on this rule - the test is only whether it's possible to think of a rule that Congress
might have use. Finally, we're not concerned here about whether the law is a good idea or not. That's Congress's job to decide. The idea is that they're elected and a judge would rather let the people decide indirectly whether the law is a good or bad idea than second guess Congress themselves. [If you're worried that this test really doesn't block anything, I agree with you but that's how the Constitution works.]
So to apply the test really quickly, here's a reason Congress might have wanted the law: Congress thinks that passing the law will reduce the likelihood that weapons will be transported over state lines because they think that it's easier to transport weapons with a folding stock. They also think that weapons without barrel shrouds will weigh more (because they'll use an extended wooden stock) and will also thus be less likely to be transported across state lines.
DON'T BOTHER pointing out that this rational is weak. It doesn't matter for rational basis analysis.
THIS IS THE ANSWER TO THE ARGUMENT MADE BY VIKING PRINCE AND MANGO55. They're simply wrong about how the federal constitution works. The default is that so long as we're inside the scope of one of the powers given to the federal government, the law is legit so long as there's a conceivable, rational reason. The constitution doesn't require a "clear need" and the need doesn't need to be one that "protects the rights of other citizens." It's enough for the need to be merely conceivable and it's enough for the law to promote economic efficiency. There's no restriction of the power to legislate to cases where you're protecting the rights of other citizens.
B) ASSUMING THE FEDERAL GOV. DOES HAVE THE POWER:
OK. That was the
FIRST PART. We asked whether Congress had the power to regulate the weapons. That answers the argument made by Viking Prince and Mango55. The default is that Congress only needs the weakest of reasons in order to justify making the law.
So now we're on the
SECOND PART - we've decided that Congress has the power to make the law so now we're talking about whether one of the exclusions applies. In other words, before we were talking about the Constitution generally and now we're talking about the 2nd Amendment. (Also, if we're talking about a state law, this is where we start. The first part of the stuff we did only applies to the federal government).
So we have two questions to ask here:
- Are assault weapons even covered by the bill of rights?
- Assuming they are, does the 2nd Amendment make the AWB unconstitutional?
C) Does the 2nd Amendment Apply to Assault Weapons?
To give some idea what we're asking here, many of the rights in the bill of rights actually contain exclusions not found in the text. Thus, for example, the first amendment acts to protect the right to free speech but the protection created by it doesn't actually extend to
child pornography. Thus, no law banning child pornography, no matter how arbitrary, will ever run afoul of the first amendment.
Likewise, before the recent Heller decision, it was fairly common to think that the second amendment didn't apply to individuals (that it only created a right in militias). If that were the case, it wouldn't be possible for the AWB to be unconstitutional on the basis of the fact that it takes guns away from individuals.
Now, the Supreme Court in Heller never really gave an extensive list of what sorts of weapons are protected by the 2nd Amendment. Instead, they essentially said that not all guns are, that at least some hand guns are, and beyond that their guidance was somewhat cryptic. I'm going to quote from a California appeals court case which I think does a fairly good job covering the issue. The precedent obviously isn't binding, but the analysis is still better than anything we're going to do on our own:
Accordingly, “the right secured by the Second Amendment is not . . . a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose.” (Heller, supra, 171 L.Ed.2d at p. 678.) Rather, it is the right to possess and carry weapons typically possessed by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes such as self-defense. (Id. at p. 679.) It protects the right to possess a handgun in one’s home because handguns are a “class of ‘arms’ that is overwhelmingly chosen by American society” for the lawful purpose of self-defense.
As the court’s discussion makes clear, the Second Amendment right does not protect possession of a military M-16 rifle. (Heller, supra, 554 U. S. ___ [171 L.Ed.2d at p. 579].) Likewise, it does not protect the right to possess assault weapons or .50 caliber BMG rifles. As we have already indicated, in enacting the Assault Weapons Control Act of 1989 and the .50 Caliber BMG Regulation Act of 2004, the Legislature was specifically concerned with the unusual and dangerous nature of these weapons. An assault weapon “has such a high rate of fire and capacity for firepower that its function as a legitimate sports or recreational firearm is substantially outweighed by the danger that it can be used to kill and injure human beings.” (§ 12275.5, subd. (a).) The .50 caliber BMG rifle has the capacity to destroy or seriously damage “vital public and private buildings, civilian, police and military vehicles, power generation and transmission facilities, petrochemical production and storage facilities, and transportation infrastructure.” (§ 12275.5, subd. (b).) These are not the types of weapons that are typically possessed by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes such as sport hunting or self-defense; rather, these are weapons of war.
You can find all the relevant material on
pages 30+ here. To paraphrase, the reasoning goes like this:
(1) The 2nd amendment was intended to protect the right to guns necessary for a militia as conceived of at the time of the founding.
(2) A militia was intended to be a collection of people using the guns they used in day-to-day life [i.e. "for ordinary lawful purposes"].
(3) So the 2nd amendment enshrines in the Constitution a right to those guns commonly used in day to day life.
(4) Assault rifles aren't commonly used in day to day life.
THEREFORE: Assault rifles aren't protected by the 2nd Amendment.
THIS IS THE FIRST REPLY TO Ariovistus Maximus & Captain Jin. The AWB is Constitutional because the 2nd Amendment doesn't apply at all to assault weapons.
D) If the 2nd Amendment Does Apply, is the AWB narrowly tailored to a compelling state interest?
However, even if the second amendment
did apply to assault rifles, that wouldn't end the story. There are times where a government action can be constitutional even though an amendment forbids it. However, I'm not going to go into this stuff unless someone asks because the constitution section is already long enough and I've already put down stuff that I don't really think you guys are coming back from.
Quickly, though, the test probably would be
the strict scrutiny test (although the court hasn't decided on that yet). Essentially the way it works: Even if a government action is forbidden by an amendment (e.g. it's an abridgement of free speech) it's still legit if the action is narrowly tailored to a compelling state interest. Keeping people from getting killed is clearly a compelling state interest, so as long as you had narrow tailoring you the law would be constitutional.