Kosovo is not Serbia

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  1. Farnan
    Farnan
    This group is for people that believe current reality should decide the fate of millions, not medieval maps.
  2. Miraj
    Miraj
    Yes. Once a nation's government decides to attack, slaughter and displace it's own citizens it loses all rights over ruling them.
  3. Каие
    Каие
    I second that.
  4. Confederate Jeb
    Confederate Jeb
    I agree.
  5. Farnan
    Farnan
    Yes. Once a nation's government decides to attack, slaughter and displace it's own citizens it loses all rights over ruling them. - Miraj

    Precisely.

    Also, present reality has Belgrade with no control over Kosovo and I live in real life not Serbian fantasy land.
  6. Serious Spamurai
    Serious Spamurai
    Srebrenica will not be forgotten.
  7. Juli26
    Juli26
    Serbenica and other massacres. The people of Kosovo and all the people in the general have the right to live free. If in a place the majority is for independence then so be it. Another thing Kosovo historically is not Serbian.
  8. Serious Spamurai
    Serious Spamurai
  9. Enemy of the State
    Enemy of the State
    Finally the bastard is captured.
    The thread we have in the mudpit about it makes me sick. I can't believe fellow human beings can actually call this man a hero and defend or deny what he has done.
  10. Babur
    Babur
    Yeah it is good news to hear.

    I agree with you completely Estlander, You know I heard the opposition party in Serbia was unhappy about the capture.
  11. Erebus Pasha
    Erebus Pasha
    A well said OP Farnan.
  12. Miraj
    Miraj
    Too bad that slime will get to enjoy a free and fair trial in a comfy courtroom.
  13. Osceola
    Osceola
    He deserves to hang.

    Thats how we did it with the Nazis. The French guillotined them.

    Never forget Srebrenica, and long live Kosovo.

    Kosovo needs to get a new flag and anthem though. Jesus.. that thing is hideous.
  14. Miraj
    Miraj
  15. Philos Sophos
    Philos Sophos
    And guys...there's still some users here who are Serbian nationalists and their views...well,are disgusting...
  16. Confederate Jeb
    Confederate Jeb
    I'll say.
  17. Miraj
    Miraj
    Anniversary from just this month: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZyX22pQFkTc
  18. Evolution
    Evolution
    I remember when I got Deployed to Serbia with the British Army.

    OH I mean Kosovo!!
  19. qnzkid711
    qnzkid711
    Lord Russell-Johnston dies

    The Council of Europe’s Rapporteur for Kosovo, Lord Russell-Johnston, passed away at the age of 75 in Paris on Sunday, a press release issued by the Council of Europe announced.
    In his capacity as Rapporteur for Kosovo, Lord Russell-Johnston spearheaded the support for independence of Kosovo at CoE.

    Lord Russell-Johnston has served as the leader of Scottish liberals and deputy at the Council of Europe Parliament.
    "This is a sad day for the defenders of justice, peace, and humanism.His death will leave a wide gap in the hearts of Europeans that had the privilege to meet him,” stated the President of CoE Luis Maria de Puig.

    http://www.newkosovareport.com/20080...ston-dies.html
  20. qnzkid711
    qnzkid711
    I noticed the demographics of Kosovo have come up a number of times, so Im putting up this excerpt from Civil Resistance in Kosovo by Howard Clark

    THE DEMOGRAPHIC BATTLEFIELD: 1912-1966


    The central problem for Serbian policy over Kosovo was that, while it claimed Kosovo as Serbian, too few Serbs wanted to live there. Serbia lost the demographic battle. Already in 1981, Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo were outnumbered by Albanians five to one, twice as high as the 1961 ratio and still rising -- perhaps to nine to one by 1990. This battle, however, did not begin in the 1960s, but was actually a feature of the history of Serbia and Kosovo, since Serbia's independence in 1878 and its annexation of Kosovo in 1912. Indeed, were it not for the previous 'repatriation' of Albania or Turkey and the settling of Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo, the proportion would have changed earlier. Some of this history is worth discussing in detail because of its emotive power and because s the it illustrate the repertoire of methods to 'deal' with the numerical preponderance of Albania in Kosovo. This quality and detail of the footnotes further provides evidence of how fraught certain issues remain.

    Whatever the ethnic composition of the territory in 1389, when Kosovo returned to Serbian rule in 1912 it was largely inhabited by Albanians. Indeed, the visiting Englishwoman Edith Durham surmised, 'were it not for the support and instruction that has for long been supplied from without, it is probably the Serb element would have been almost, if not quite, absorbed or suppressed by the time. Ethnic relations in the territory had worsened after the winter of 1877-78 when Serbian forces had 'ethnically cleansed' southern Serbia, creating a landscape of burnt-out villages while 'by the roadside, in Gudelica gorge had as far as Vranje and Kumanovo, you could see the abandoned corpses of children, and old men frozen to death.' Those Albanians who arrived in Kosovo -- together with Muslim Slavs who left Bosnia rather then live under Christian rule -- brought increased hostility towards Christians, especially Serbs. So began another migration -- of Serbs leaving Kosovo with its poverty, its Ottoman rulers and growing unrest, in order to become citizens of the newly independent Serbia.

    Serbia could not consider itself complete without Kosovo and was waiting for the right moment to expel the Ottomans. When it came, in 1912, King Peter called for a Holy War to bring 'freedom, brotherhood and equality' to all the inhabitants of 'Old Serbia'(Kosovo) -- Christian and Muslim Slavs, Christian and Muslim Albanians. Such, however, was not the spirit of his forces. Rather they were the avengers of the 500 years of Ottoman occupation, bringing down unprecedented terror on the population of Kosovo, Muslim and Catholic. The Serbian Social Democrat Dimitrije Tucovic witnessed 'barbaric crematoria in which hundreds of women and children were burned alive' and reported that Serbian soldiers, urged on by their clergy, were obsessed with the vengeance for the battle of Kosovo Polje. 'The Historic task of Serbia', he wrote, was 'a big lie'. Other observers noted that the Conference of Ambassadors in London intended to draw the borders of independent Albania according to ethnic and religious statistics:

    The Serbs have hastened to prepare the statistics for them with machine guns, rifles and bayonets... Tens of thousands of defenceless people are being massacred, women are being raped, old people and children stranged , hundreds of villages burnt to the ground, priests slaughtere. And Europe remains silent! (8)

    Serbian rule in Kosovo was soon interrupted by the First World War, a war claiming the live of almost 1.3 million Serbs, a third of the population. Recognizing Serb heroism and suffering, the victorious Entente allies rewarded Serbia by granting its claim to Kosovo, now incorporated into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In 1929, this time known as 'Yugoslavia' -- the land of the southern Slavs. At the time, two-thirds of the population of Kosovo were Albanians.

    Serbia ruthlessly put down the Kacak(Albanian guerilla) revolts and set about reclaiming Kosovo both in terms of population and culture. It initiated an ambitious colonization programme, offering incentives to Serbs and Montenegrins -- especially former soldiers or members of the cetnik bands -- to settle. This 'Serbianisation' also involved naming new villages after heroes from epic poems -- Obilic, Milosevo, Lazarevo -- while Ferizaj 9previously known to Slavs as Ferizovic) was renamed Urosevac. The colonzation programme was widely a failure. It seems that between 60,000-70,000 Slav colonists arrived in Kosovo -- a fraction of the number desired -- and many failed to settle.

    The other side of Serbianisation was that Albanians were treated as immigrants to be repatriated. They were expected to go 'back' to Turkey or south to Albania or to assimilate themselves. The new state had signed a Treaty for the Protection of Minorities, but -- not recognizing Albanians as a national minority -- it denied them the right to education in their own language. In 1930 three Albanian Catholic priests submitted a Memorandum to the League of nations examining article by article how Yugoslavia was violating the treaty -- policies of 'forced emigration', the seizure of property, the replacement of Albanian municipal officials, dress restrictions, as well as host actions against Albanian education. They also complained about Serb paramiltary groups.

    'Encouraged to emigrate' by such means, tens of thousands of Albanians left. However, in 1938 in a desire to accelerate this, Yugoslavia made a deal with Turkey to 'repatriate' 40,000 Albanian families in the next six years. In 1937 a member of the Serbian Academy of Science and Arts(SANU), Vaso Cubrilovic, had discussed this is a now-notorious memorandum frankly enetiled 'The Expulsion of the Albanians'. What he called the 'Western methods', such as colonization, were too gentle for the 'troubled and bloody Balkans' and had been defeated by the 'fecundity of the Albanian women'. The answer was 'mass population transfers'. Cubrilovic then went into detail and how to create 'a suitable psychosis... [to] relocate a whole people'. The methods described by the three Albanian priests (including the 'ill-treatment of clergy') should be extended and implemented more systematically. As well as harassment in the guise of health or educational measure or regulating business and property, he advocated arming settlers, secretly assisting cetniks, and inciting local riots that could be 'bloodily supressed'. He added eerily: 'There remains one method Serbia employed with great practical effect after 1878, that is, secretly razing Albanian villages and urban settlements to the ground.'

    when such schemes were being openly discussed in Belgrade, it is scarcely surprising that many Kosovo Albanians greeted the Second World War axis occupation with some relief. In 1941, the bulk of Kosovo was re-united with Albania, under an Italian occupation later taken over by the Germans. The moment the invasion of Kosovo began, Albanians began to seek revenge, primarily against colonists. Italian and German officials such as Carlos Umilta and German Neubracher were shocked by what they witnessed. 'Slavs and Albanians had burnt down one anothers houses, and had stolen livestock goods and tools', reported Umilta, who arrived in Kosovo at the end of May 1941. Clearly, the Slavs were the main victims. 'From April until autumn the countryside was being burned and looted', wrote one Italian agronomist. The German police officer Herman Neubacher estimated that by April 1944, 40,000 Serbs and Montenegrins had been expelled.

    Communists later honoured the heroism of the multi-ethnic liberation struggle waged by the Partisans, drawing a veil over the ethnic bloodletting that took place in several regions of Yugoslavia during the Second World War -- and in Kosovo during a bloody 'pacification' campaign in 1944-45.

    In most of Yugoslavia, the population declined during the Second World War. But not in Kosovo. This revived fears of demographic destabilization. The remedy was seen as a renewed programme of 'Turkification', pressuring families to register as Turkish rather than Albanian and in 1953 re-activating the Yugoslav-Turkish agreement to 'repatriate' 40,000 families to Turkey. Many Yugoslav Albanians were induced to register as 'Turks'. Probably 100,000 Albanians left in this programme. 'Turkification' was accompanied by a systematic programme of police intimidation, mainly on the pretext of searching for weapons. Creating a 'suitable psychosis', as Cubrilovic might have said. Police would raid Albanian villages, cordon them off and beat the men. This tactic was repeated in the 1990s.

    At the federal Level, several factos caused Communist distrust of Albanians: the low numbers who had joined the Party, their reluctance to be re-incorporated into Yugoslavia and, in view of the break between Tito and his former protogee, Albanian president Enver Hoxha, their potential as 'fifth-columnists'. However, in Kosovo the experience of Albanians was that this Communist repression was also Serbiam -- the secret police (Udba) in Kosovo were largely a Serbian force, operating under the Serb Aleksander Rankovic, first Yugoslav Minister of Interior and the Vice-President, and carrying out policies of harassment and terrorisation advocated by Serb nationalists.
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