I'm just happy that you don't expect me to read all of that
Its excellent that there are poeple who oppose the stupid Serbia Nationalist group on this forum
Kosovo is free and will always be free. Failed nationalist dip****s stay out.
The text of Cubrilovic, which was a guide, written in 1937, on how to properly ethnically cleanse Albanians from Kosova. The text has been used by Serbs a guide: http://www.albanianhistory.net/en/te.../AH1937_1.html Very important work. A number of text's compiled by Robert Elsie on the issue of ethnic cleansing in Kosova. Gathering Clouds: The Roots of Ethnic Cleansing in Kosova and Macedonia http://www.elsie.de/pdf/B2002GatheringClouds.pdf (PDF)
Another excerpt from Howard Clark's, Civil Resistance in Kosovo: POLICE AND PARAMILITARY Any type of resistance movement has to weigh up its ability to withstand the types and scale of repression it could face and develop strategies either to inhibit repression or to make sure that the oppressor pays a political price for it. If Albanians could not anticipate that the Milosevic regime would be willing virtually to write off industrial production in Kosovo, history made them only too well aware of the police and paramilitary operations they could expect. The Serbian authorities had no use for Albanian in Kosovo, hence the security organs worked in the spirit of Cubrilovic's advice to create 'a suitable psychosis' to encourage them to leave. As a counter to a resistance movement, this was less effective than a more selective strategy trying to exploit divisions among Albanians. It actually served to strengthen Albanian unity. But for the Belgrade regime this was not a time for half-measures. From 1989 onwards, it seemed as if the Serbian population were being prepared for war. Arms were distributed increasingly openly and Serbian 'village guards' were formed. The group Bozur had the frank aim of restoring a Slav majority in Kosovo and was rumored to include former Rankovic special police. As well as its role in the Meetings of Truth around Yugoslavia, it was notorious inside Kosovo for terrorizing peasants. Its leader Bogdan Kecman, soon to be the head of the Serbian Red Cross, displayed a clear orientation towards war: 'I want to see the day when Kosovo is populated with Serbs who were forced to leave their land, and fewer Albanians. Who knows it could come to a big battle here.' Later, the famous paramilitaries -- Tigers (Serbian Volunteer Guards) of Zeljko Raznjatovic (Arkan) and the White Eagles of Vojislav Seselj -- arrive. In April 1992 Kosovo's senior Serbian official announced a recruitment centre for these in Prishtina's Grand Hotel. While Arkan was to become Prishtina's representative to the Serbian Assembly, Seselj was made a lecturer in, of all things, law at the Serbian University of Prishtina. The main fear for Kosovo Albanians, however, was of the police. In January 1992, I heard that the sacked Albanian police had been replaced by doible the number of Serbian and Montenegrin police, some 7,000. Later there were to be much higher estimates as Milosevic built up the police force, trusting the police more than the army. Albanians believed that the police in Kosovo numbered around 40,000 in the early 1990’s. The US Department’s 1994 report described Police violence as ‘routine and capricious’. A former Serbian police officer recollected in 1996: If there was anyone who did not want to beat the old people, spill their hay onto the road or their what across the courtyard, while searching for arms, or who did not want to break into houses at three o’clock in the morning and smash everything in the way with rifle butts, people’s heads, televisions, even remote controls, or if anyone was to take pity on these people, he was immediately branded as an inadequate Serb and a poor patriot, and the other policemen would turn on him with contempt. The main form of terror was in the traditional ‘search for arms’, punitive expeditions mainly into villages and usually in the early hours of the morning. Police, sometimes accompanied by irregulars, would pick a fight a village – often arbitrarily – and surround it with cars. A group would then go to one house, order the men to one side of the courtyard and the women to the other, while they conducted the search. Not finding weapons, they would begin to beat the men, demanding to know where the weapons were ‘hidden’. Sometimes they would take a woman or child to the police station, telling the family s/he would be released if they reported to the police station with the ‘hidden’ weapon. The family then had to find or buy a weapon, perhaps from a Serb neighbor at an extortionate price. The whole search was designed to demean the people and offend against their culture. Women would be told to sing Serbian songs while serving the police with coffee; there are few reports of sexual molestation – a matter of social stigma. Having some idea of the important of honor to Albanians, the police would then try to humiliate the master of the house’ in front of his family. The death of an 80-year-old woman illustrates the impact of this random terror. Police raided the village of Caber on August 30-31 1993, searching 150 families for weapons. They beat people, smashing up homes and furniture. It was on seeing her sons beaten that Grisha Kamberi fainted and died four days later. The CDHRF recorded incidents of arms searches in more than 20 villages and in some of the main towns in 1992l some were visited more than once. The next year, CDHRF began to keep a tally of the number of homes thus raided: 1,994 in 1993, 3,553 in 1994, 2,324 in 1995 and 809 in 1996. Few arrests resulted, yet each raid gave rise to brutality. T he police had a license to vandalize, terrorize and plunder – especially hard currency brought back from working abroad. Any Albanian gathering – be it a wedding or a football game – ran a risk of Police interference. Men of conscription age were especially vulnerable to being picked up on a bus. Many of that age simply fled Kosovo to avoid conscription papers. It was not that they were wanted in the army, but it was another way to harass them. As each phase of Albanian resistance developed, people suspected of involvement were taken in for questioning and were often beaten. The CDHRF office in Prishtina had a grim photo album the size of a telephone directory, packed with pictures of bruised torsos, faces and feet. The CDHRF and, after 1992, the Humanitarian Law Centre in Belgrade, collected horrifying testimonies about police sadism. Some people died under torture in police custody – two a year in 1991, 1992, eight in 1994, five in 1995. In June 1992, Amnesty International issued a report with 15 illustrative cases of how police were ill-treating Kosovo Albanians. Helsinki Watch(later Human Rights Watch) published reports in 1992 and 1994. Following the ‘isolation’ campaign of 1989, there was no new effort to ‘decapitate’ the movement. Nevertheless, between 1989 and 1992, 20,000 Albanians served 30-60 day prison sentences. This number dropped, but such summary sentences continued to be handed out arbitrarily to ‘wrongdoers’ such as teachers in the parallel system, volunteer tax collectors and soccer club secretaries. However, before the arrival of the UCK the only major trials were those connected with the investigations into the parallel Ministries of Defense and Interior from 1993-4. The most prominent leaders of the struggle – Rugova, Agani, Demaci – enjoyed an immunity within limits. If offices of the CDHRF and BSPK occasionally suffered raids (or the LDK’s and their branch offices), Rugova himself and the LDK headquarters remained unmolested. Every Friday in the PEN club, Rugova or another LDK leader held a press conference. With voluntary labor and donated material, people built magnificent houses for Rugova and Demaci, standing next to each other, landmarks in their neighborhood. Rugova, ofcourse, would always be escorted. While he himself avoided going into villages so as to not cause a stir, vice-presidents and other members of the LDK board went to the scene of police raids and other events, and rarely suffered repercussions. Over time, the Albanian resistance through their resolution and self-control gained more space and made their treatment a point of international pressure against the regime. In Kosovo’s cities, it became second nature for Albanians to walk home by back routes to avoid police, especially after dark. Every car driver seemed to have a personal strategy when stopped by the police. People learnt to live with tension. Doubtless, too, the wars in Croatia and Bosnia made Serbia’s Ultra-nationalists less interested in provoking a war in Kosovo. The harassment did not stop throughout the period of Serbian rule – brutal, random, and racist – but, thanks to their human rights monitoring work, Albanians were able to use the widespread violence against them to increase international goodwill towards their nonviolent policy.
AssalamuAlaikum my brothers
Good thing some people don't believe all that Serb BS and propaganda. Glad to Join.
Hello to all people of Kosovo.
Anyone here actually from Kosovo?
I am.
I am from Kosovo too actually.
Want to be surprised? I am a Serb. Yet I know what is the reality when I see it, and reality tells me Kosovo ain't Serbia, it was, but was is past tense. There are numerous other reasons that I believe only Albanians from Kosovo would understand, but I think that would be way to big for me to type here.
Cooltosha, smart one. Reality is what we are living in. Im glad that you admit the reality. Glad to see you here
It really annoys me how Russia use the case of Kosovo to justify annexing South Ossetia.
Long live to Kosovo and Albania. Also, long live to Germany, UK and USA.
Hello, everyone. I am living in Skopje Macedonia, just 20 minutes from Kosovo, and I support Kosovo in this. The Serbian nationalists have been proven wrong in the spectrum of history, but they deny so. The Illyrians are most likely the Albanian ancestors, and the Illyrians lived in Albania, North-west Greece, Montenegro, Kosovo, Western Macedonia and even a part of Italy, the Kosovo area was conquered by Serbia later in the Middle Ages, and the area only became "Serbia's Holyland" later.
Welcome Attilavolciak07. It's good to have you here. Greetings to Macedonia
Nice pictures illyrius!
this group leader farnan, you want the support from us but, you don't support us. you on armeni genocide(!) group I wouldn´t have expected this from you! yes kosova is serbia! I tell this do you used to like...
Mameluk? I don't get you?
