With Manuel's abdication, the throne passed onto his and Empress Zoe's then twenty years-old son, Alexios Porphyrogennetos Palaiologos, third of his name. According to Argyros, who followed his liegemaster Manuel into his monkish confinement in the Pantokrator Monastery, and there died in 1245 AD at the ripe age of ninety, Alexios III Palaiologos was
"...a handsome, inspiring youth, his skin and eyes amber of colour (...) whose cunning mind had been well educated in all those matters which befit of an Emperor; he was, indeed, a master of rhetorics and fluent in both Latin and Arabic, which he had been taught by Hyeronimus, a clergymen of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. This same clergyman also instructed him in matters of the spirit, though later on his pupil would care little about orthodoxy and liturgies, willingly submitting to his Imperial religious duties but refusing to be entangled in disputes concerning the Faith and its dogmas, rather looking at the Church as a means to an end. (...) (He was) a fine rider and a capable swordsman, excellently trained in military matters along with his brothers, the Porphyrogennetoi Nikephoros and Andronikos, by no less than Kontostephanos the Blind himself, whose teachings he valued as much as his father's."
This is one of the most interesting quotes from Argyros' memories: Alexios III Palaiologos is indeed described as a worthy successor to his father Manuel, talented and cultured, but through this description not only does Argyros shed another light on the personality of the new Emperor - who, to his father's talents, added a cunning mind and an ambition which resembled his omonymous forefather, Alexios I Komnenos' - but also reveals Kontostephanos' influence in the education of the Palaiologos' offspring. This small excerpt indeed helps us gain a better understanding of the new Basileus' personality, and of the three key factors behind the Imperial resurgence which characterized Alexios III's reign.
First and foremost, relationships between the new generation of Palaiologoi - Maria, Alexios, Nikephoros and Andronikos - were exceptionally stable, when confronted with the bitter resentment and envy which had characterized kinship ties in the Komnenian period - Emperor Manuel I and his cousin Andronikos Komnenos being the foremost examples. Alexios' three siblings generally agreed and supported their brother the Emperor's policies and decisions; whenever a mediation was needed, furthermore, it was achieved through the good offices of Basilissa Zoe Komnena-Doukaina, who refused to follow her husband to monastic confinement and fully embraced politics, even outshadowing her daughter-in-law Empress Syele in court life; she is indeed often credited with the following quote,
"...it is far more rewarding to be mother of an Emperor, than being wife of another; for an Emperor is subject to none but God and his mother"
which no doubt has a kernel of truth, for she remarkably came to wield more power as mother Empress than as Empress in her own and her husband's right, becoming even more powerful and influent than the rightful Basilissa and Augusta, Alexios' wife Syele Hohenstaufen, her nephew through the marriage of Manuel II Palaiologos' sister, Eirene Palaiologina, and former German Emperor Michael I.
A second key factor resides in the very education of the Palaiologoi brothers, and the atmosphere in which they had grown. They had all been taught military matters by the Megas Domestikos, a war hero, son of a war hero, whose knowledge of Seljuk, Hungarian and steppe warfare was undisputed, and all of them had been brought by their father on campaign in the much disputed Armeniacs' theme in two occasions, in 1220 and 1224 AD. As such, Manuel's sons had sufficient knowledge of the Empire 's military and its neighbours' military habits, and all which concerned the Anatolic possessions of the Empire, including its economic, social and religious conditions - which would help them understand the nature of the Roman army's crysis and undertake measures against it.
A third, and often overlooked factor, lies in the codification and transmission of such invaluable military knowledge through Kontostephanos' military treatise, the Sylloge Taktikos. Byzantine military culture had produced a long series of worthy treatises, from the VIth Century Strategikon of Maurikios, to the Xth Century Pracepta Militaria; the Sylloge tied itself to such illustrious tradition, which had strangely not continued, it would seem, under the military Emperors of the Komnenian period. This, and Kontostephanos' habit of surrounding himself with promising young members of the Roman elite to serve as his aids, brought new stimuli to Eastern Roman military culture and allowed for the rise of a new generation of well-prepared, young and ambitious officers, of which the foremost example was the soon to be revealed as formidable John Kantakouzenos, son of Alexios, the war hero who had fallen against the Bulgarians at the Shipka Pass.
All of these were the necessary premises for what was to follow. No sooner had Alexios been crowned Emperor in Hagia Sophia by Patriarch Germanos II along with his German wife Syele Hohenstaufen, that reformation of the Empire's economic and military begun. In the period between 1227 and 1231 AD, Alexios III and his allies - chiefly, Megas Logothethes Demetrios Briennios, Megas Domestikos Simeon Kontostephanos, the Porphyrogennetoi Nikephoros and Andronikos, and kaisar Stephanos Makrodoukas-Palaiologos, husband of Maria Porphyrogenneta Palaiologina and Doux of Amaseia in the Armeniacs - issued and enforced a number of chrysobulls by means of which they sought to enforce an agrarian reform and redemensionate in the process the power of the dynatoi, the landed aristocracy of Anatolia, which enormous estates were effectively choking on the small landowners which constituted the army's backbone.
This was not achieved without opposition. A few aristocratic families, such as the Gabrai, the Apoukakoi and the Tzimiskoi staged a failed plot against the Palaiologoi, and were effectively ruined by the Basileus' merciless reaction: the ringleaders were all exiled or executed, while the greater part of the personalities involved - and it must have been quite a sizeable number - were forgiven in exchange for their support of the reform, and their compliance to the chrysobulls. The large estates of renowned families such as the Kantakouzenoi, the Angelo-Doukai, the Arbantenoi and so on were in fact diminished through acquisition rather than compulsion. But where did the enormous quantities of required money come from?
"...and while the powerful dynatoi, impressed by the downfall of such renowned houses such as that of Gabras, Apoukakos and many others, complied to the Basileus' orders and asked for some sums of gold be given them to compensate the loss of the revenues of said lands, happened that, during their customary visits to the Emperor's Great Palace, the representatives of those various Latin communities residing into the City asked for the Emperor to grant them a token of his friendship, for there were tensions between those from Genoa and those from Venice, and each sought to deprive the other of those considerable revenues coming from their trade within and through Rhomania; and the cunning Basileus, who was at the time in need of gold to enforce his chrysobulls, asked both Latin proxenoi (Consuls) by which means would they reward him of his friendship, if he ever chose to pick their side. To this, the Genoese offered slaves, furs and all kind of goods which they collected through their emporion in Cherson, and but a little amount of gold, for they as a people are much fond of gold and would surrender whatever good rather than coins; but the Venetians offered money, in such large quantities as to fill large amounts of coffers, and silks of the finest qualities..."
Alexios' alliance with the Venetians paid off: according to the terms of a chrysobull which he granted in 1229 AD, Venetian headquarters in Constantinople were enlarged at the expense of the Genoese community, Venetian ships and crews could occasionally be enlisted in the Empire's service, and large numbers of Venetian emporioi were to be established in Pontic coastal cities, where, due to continuous warfare, foreign capital would provide concrete help in reconstituting the disrupted trade infrastracture; furthermore, Venetian gold was then used to placate the incensed dynatoi for their land losses. Redistribution of said land then followed, on the general criteria of doubling the size of the smallest plots of land found to be held by provincial stratiotai and pronoiarioi, in order to provide better means of subsistance and income to the small landowners, which incomes were instrumental for the acquisition and mantenance of armour, weapons and, in the case of the pronoiarioi, horses, with which to serve into the army; poorest communities were even allowed to group their funds together in order to arm a fixed amount of soldiers. The process, which is now known as the Kontostephanean reform, would be instrumental in the strenghtening of those classes on which the Empire's military relied, but would however also leave a major strain on Alexios' relationship with the Genoese and the aristocracy, which would remain tense and unstable for the rest of his reign - collapsing after his death.