The Bombing of German Cities
This point is certainly germane to a discussion of how the decision to bomb civilians came about because it was used as a justification for the bombing of civilians by the British in the early years of the war. The decision was made in the desperate months after the fall of France when Britain stood alone and invasion by Germany seemed imminent. At the time the bombing of cities was seen as the only way British military forces could strike at Germany and possibly forestall defeat.9 The nature of this act was dictated in part in the early years of the war by the limitations of Britain�s Bomber Command. Lightly armed and without the benefit of a long-range fighter escort, British bombers were committed to nighttime raids in order to avoid being shot down by German fighters. This fact along with the lack of the proper navigational equipment meant that only one third of all British bombers got within five miles of their targets in 1941.
The strategy was a result of more than just technological limitations, however, for the leadership of Britain, including Winston Churchill, believed that terror bombing (or what one of Churchill�s advisors preferred to call �dehousing�) could indeed win the war by turning the German people against the Nazi leadership.10 Thus the strategy was not changed when the ability to hit targets with greater accuracy was developed later in the war nor when the tide had turned and victory by the Allies was all but assured.
The bombing of Germany did indeed become a terror, although it never brought about a popular uprising. One of the most appalling examples of this strategy was the firestorm created in the German port city of Hamburg in July 1943 as the result of four nights of �area� bombing. By the time the fires had died down 62,000 acres were burned, 80 per cent of the buildings were destroyed and 30,000 people (20 per cent of whom were children) were killed. Similar firestorms were ignited in eight other German cities over the next two years including Dresden which was destroyed in the closing months of the war when Germany�s armies were already defeated.11 Altogether some 600,000 German civilians died from bombing in the war and 800,000 were seriously injured.12
American Bombing of Japan
While the British carried out a strategy of �area bombing� the Americans held to a strategy of precision daylight raids in Europe that, in theory, kept civilian deaths to a minimum. Against Japan, however, the Americans changed that strategy to one which closely matched the British. Beginning in February 1945 the Army Air Force switched from high-level daylight strikes to low level bombing at night using incendiaries - tactics that were intended to burn entire cities. Contributing to the destructive effects of these tactics was the lack of any Japanese air force by 1945 to oppose U.S. bombers and the fact that Japanese cities were built largely of wood and paper which burned so much better than European stone and brick. The devastation and civilian death tolls were to surpass even the shocking destruction in Germany. In March a single raid on Tokyo killed almost 100,000 people and burned 16 square miles. The firestorm was so intense that the city�s canals were brought to a boil. Over the next four months, Japan�s five largest cities had been destroyed at a cost to civilians of 260,000 killed and between 9 and 13 million homeless.13
In the context of such loss and destruction, the decision to use atomic weapons against Japan was not really a change of strategy or a significantly greater violation of the war convention -- it was simply a more efficient way of performing the same task. Nevertheless, the use of the Atomic Bomb was dramatic and it represented such a greater potential for destruction that it brought many of the previously ignored moral questions to the fore. The weapon had not even been developed for use against Japan, but as a deterrent to its use by Germany should that nation develop one.
Several top American military leaders and technical advisors raised profound moral questions about using such a weapon. One member of an advisory panel on the issue stated that �it introduces the question of mass slaughter, really for the first time in history.�14 Mass slaughter was of course already a part of the strategic plan, but now the issue was more difficult to avoid.
The debate over the legitimacy of the atomic bombings of Japan generally revolves around what it was going to take to get Japan to agree to an unconditional surrender and what that might cost in American and Japanese lives. Those who supported the use of the bomb took the utilitarian view that it would end the war quickly and thereby save even greater numbers of American and Japanese lives by avoiding an Allied invasion of the home islands.
They point to the ferocious suicidal defense of Okinawa as proof that the costs would be very high. Those in opposition question whether an invasion would even have been necessary if the demand for unconditional surrender had been altered to allow for the survival of the Emperor.
Another alternative that was seriously considered at the time was a demonstration of the bomb in a sparsely populated area. (An excellent classroom resource on the decision to drop the bomb is the video,
Hiroshima and Nagasaki. See resource list below.) �In the context of
jus in bellum, however, the issue still comes down to the legitimacy of targeting civilians and this line had already been crossed. Utilitarian considerations, such as the doctrine of double effect, only apply if the intended target is indeed military.
Strategic bombing in World War II essentially was a decision to kill people not because of their military role, but because of their nationality.