In the late 1950s, Festinger and James Carlsmith recruited Stanford University men to participate in a psychological study of unknown purpose. As each man arrived at the lab, he was assigned the boring and repetitive task of sorting a batch of spools into lots of twelve and turning square pegs a quarter turn to the right. The procedure was designed to be both monotonous and tiring. At the end of an hour the experimenter approached the subject and made a request. A student assistant had supposedly failed to show up, and the researcher needed someone to fill in by telling a potential female subject in the waiting room how much fun the experiment was. Dissonance researchers call this ‘‘counter-attitudinal advocacy." We’d call it lying.
Some of the men were promised $1 to express enthusiasm about the task; others were offered $20. It is comforting to know that six of the men refused to take part in the deception, but most students tried to recruit the young woman. The typical conversation was similar for both payment conditions:
she: ‘‘I heard it was boring."
he: ‘‘Oh no, it’s really quite interesting."
What did differ were privately expressed attitudes after the study was over. Students who lied for $20 confessed that they thought the task of sorting spools was dull. Those who lied for $1 maintained that it was much more enjoyable. (Festinger and Carlsmith practiced their own form of deception in the study—subjects never received the promised money.)
By now you should have a pretty good idea of how dissonance theorists analyze the results. They note that $20 was a huge sum of money (worth more than $50 in today’s economy). If a student felt qualms about telling a ‘‘white lie," the cash was a ready justification. Thus he felt little or no tension between his action and attitude. But the men who lied for a dollar had lots of cognitive work to do. The logical inconsistency of saying a boring task was interesting had to be explained away through an internal dialogue:
I’m a Stanford man. Am I the kind of guy who would lie for a dollar? No way. Actually what I told the girl was true. The experiment was a lot of fun.
Festinger says that $1 was just barely enough to induce compliance to the experimenter’s request, so students had to create another justification. They changed their attitudes toward the task to bring it into line with their behavior.
You can probably think of alternative ways to account for Festinger and Carlsmith’s findings. The study has been replicated and modified many times in an effort to close off loopholes that would admit other explanations. The results have made it necessary to qualify Festinger’s minimal justification hypothesis. Today most persuasion researchers accept a revised version of cognitive dissonance theory.
http://www.afirstlook.com/archive/cogdiss.cfm?