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Thread: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

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    Default Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing


    Contents
    By Lance & Sword - The Norman Conquests - The Conqueror by grouchy13
    Fragility of the Literary Utopia & Event of the Year by ☩Lord Inquisitor Derpy Hooves☩
    An Urban Species by Copperknickers II
    Beyond the Barbican: A Tale of Siege and Slaughter, Continued by Inarus
    The IPA: An Introduction by Lyra
    The Downfall of the Takeda Clan by HeirofAlexander


    From the Editor:

    Well, what is there to say? Another issue of the Helios is out and packed with interesting articles, articles that will help get you guys through the exam period and perhaps provide interesting tidbits of information that you can use to impress your instructors.

    Enjoy your reading!


    _________________________________________________


    grouchy13
    By Lance & Sword - The Norman Conquests - The Conqueror

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    By Lance & Sword - The Norman Conquests

    The Conqueror

    The Conqueror, The Bastard two starkly different acronym’s for Duke William of Normandy, one a testament to his Legacy of Military success and conquest, the other a reminder of the contempt that the Norman Aristocracy felt towards his succession to the Duchy. As we have seen in the first part of the series the greatest danger the Duchy of Normandy faced was the issue of succession, In Williams case it would be a bloody period of unrest that threatened to consume it. However the combination of Williams’s nascent leadership style and the determination of those who sought to protect the young Duke, often at the cost of their own lives would enable him to become one of the most powerful rulers in Christendom and to extend Norman power across the channel towards Anglo Saxon England. But what occurred during the formative years of this man, and what events contributed to his rise from contested Duke to King of England?

    Death of a Duke and the troubled minority



    William was the archetypal Medieval Warrior King, His formative years were however troubled and often dangerous for the young Duke and his succession was never assured.

    Duke Robert the magnificent drew his final breath on his return from a pilgrimage to the Holy Land he must have contemplated the situation that now presented itself to his young son William. William just 8 years old would never be respected by the great lords of Normandy, his minority would ensure that any nobleman with the means or the inclination would seek to either seize control of the Duke or carve their own principality from within its domains during the ensuing chaos. The oaths that Robert had them swear at Fecamp that very year might not have been forgotten, however the lords word utilise the lack of strong Ducal power to strike at one another, only the strong survived in such situations, luckily for Robert and the young William the entourage around the young Duke were equal to the task of securing his succession. In succession many of those who were closest to William fell to the assassin’s blade, Turold, Gilbert of Brionne and finally Osbern of Crèpon all suffered a grisly fate. These men had a large effect on the young Duke, their bloody death must have had an incredible effect on the young Duke and no doubt moulded his uncompromising and sometimes cold character. Despite their efforts they were powerless in preventing the dog eat dog situation between the lords on the frontiers and the rival leaders of other Principalities such as Brittany, Maine and even the Kingdom of France.

    In the initial fallout of Robert’s death, the son of Duke Richard, Duke Robert’s brother and predecessor was the most ideally placed to seize control of the Young Duke. The Confusingly named Robert, an archbishop and head of the church of Normandy was also an immediate member of the Ducal family, duly he easily assumed control, his hold on power would be short however as he succumbed to old age in 1037. With the removal of Archbishop Robert the great lords of Normandy would now move to take control of the young Duke and wrestle power of the Duchy for themselves. Archbishop Robert’s son Rudolph of Gacè sought to follow in his father’s footsteps as guardian of the young Duke however he would be contested by the powerful Montgommery family.

    Roger Montgommery had been one of the late Duke Roberts closest companions and no doubt felt he as one of the leading powers within the Duchy that he should be entitled to hold the title of guardian, his families power was seen as direct threat by Rudolph who in taking control of the young Duke immediately branded Roger a traitor. In fear for his life Roger immediately took refuge with King Henry of France, another ruler who looked to strengthen his own position at the expense of the young Duke. Before King Henry played his hand on Roger’s sons, many of whom remained in the Duchy moved against Rudolph. The young Duke’s steward Osbern was assassinated by Rogers son William whilst he slept next to the young Duke, the Ducal forces responded by killing the wayward William but the remaining Montgommeries in Normandy responded by joining other rebel Lords.

    Roger II who in time would go to become one of Williams’s closest advisors instead of joining his father in the Court of the French King instead took refuge with the nefarious William II Talvas lord of Bellême, marrying his daughter Mable. The Lord of Bellême whose lands rested between the principalities of Maine, Perch and Normandy sought to establish his own Principality. The present situation presented him with a golden opportunity to gain sole control of the Norman edge of his lands. Lord William was known for his capacity for great cruelty he murdered his first wife so as to be free to marry another nobleman’s daughter, the Viscount of Maine himself a principal rival to Duke of Normandy. Lord William II then proceeded to savagely beat and mutilate a guest at his wedding festivities, the victim was subjected to terrible injuries being blinded and castrated at the hands of the sociopathic William.

    The aristocracy of Normandy whilst locked in uncompromising and bloody feud did not move against William at this time, he was seen at this point as no threat to their own growing power. As they murdered each other and sought to strengthen their own positions overall ducal authority in general diminished. The greatest threat to William laid across his southern frontier and with one of the truly big players in this life and death game, King Henry I of France.

    Enter Henry I

    The first sign of trouble came because of a chain of fortresses along the frontier between Norman and French, garrisoned with ducal troops that had long been a bone of contention between the Kings of France and the Dukes of Normandy. Arrayed across the border they stood as a constant reminder of how much power could potentially be displayed against the French King’s position by a strong Duke of Normandy. Henry I mindful of the situation Williams’s minority presented immediately set about taking advantage of his weak authority, his first demand was that the frontier Castle of Tillières be abandoned, Rudolph of Gacè Williams guardian duly agreed. Its Warden received orders to begin its deconstruction, Henry seeing the ease at which his will was now carried within Normandy now embarked on an expedition through the Northern Territory, this uncontested march through the Duchy was a stunning PR coup for Henry, no French King had marched with such ease through Normandy in living memory. Henry I image now having received an immense boost retreated back to his own domains leaving William unmolested but not before seizing the castle at Tillières for himself.



    King Henry I of France, a duplicitous figure who at times was a friend and foe of the young Duke

    This Royal sojourn through Normandy had a devastating effecting on the ducal authority of William and his guardian Rudolph, soon the Duke of Brittany Alan III attempted a similar incursion along the Western frontier seeking to gain control of William whilst other minor lords such as Thurstan Goz the Viscount of Hièmois raised the standard of rebellion seizing the fortress at Falaise. These were ill fated endeavours however; Alan III fell whilst besieging the Castle of Vimoutiers whilst Thurstan’s insurrection ended when Rudolph and the young William laid siege to fortress, Thurstan recognising the futility of the situation duly surrendered and was banished from Normandy.

    The Western Rebellion

    As William reached manhood many must have hoped that he would be able to assume control of the Duchy and so end the anarchy of his minority, their hopes were to be dashed as he approached his 19th Birthday. The Western portion of Normandy had long been a hotbed for rebellion now simmered with resentment; a plot began to from around Guy of Burgandy, son of the Count of Burgandy Renaud. Many of the leading aristocrats of the West of Normandy were drawn into the web of the plot, Guy being a member of the ducal family and Williams Cousin was ideally placed to replace William as Duke, The onus of this rebellion would then not be to control William as puppet ruler like previous Rebellions but to replace him altogether. The rebels began to formulate a plot, they conspired to assassinate William whilst he hunted within the forest of Cotentin, Luckily for William and in a bizarre episode he was forewarned of the Western Lords intentions by a Jester named Goles.

    William wasted no time and immediately fled the scene; avoiding main roads and towns he safely reached the ducal Bastion of Falaise. With the plan uncovered the rebels revealed themselves and raised the standard of insurrection, with half the Duchy now in revolt William demonstrated the nascent political abilities that would assist him throughout periods of great danger. William turned to his sovereign lord King Henry I of France, this might seem a strange move considering that Henry had invaded the Duchy during his own minority but bonds of fealty and the role of suzerain lords were an important part of political life during the period, yes Henry may have seized land from William but he had not removed him from the scene completely. William correctly gauged the situation and played on the status quo between Normandy and the King of France, Henry whilst holding Normandy in contempt would have been aware that the Western rebels being led by a representative of the Count of Burgundy posed a greater threat to his own position. If the principalities of Burgandy and Normandy were joined it would greatly affect the delicate balance of power in Northern France.

    Henry I was then unwilling to lose face and prestige by abandoning a Vassal and duly marched with 10,000 men to Williams assistance meeting the Young Duke and his loyalist army of around the same figure to the East of Caen. The Royal and ducal forces then marched Westward towards the river Orne where the Western rebels who numbered around 25,000 men were situated with their backs to the river. At a place known as Val-ès-Dune the too forces met and the fate of Normandy would be decided in battle.

    Battle of Val-ès-Dune and Consolidation of the Duchy

    On a summer's day in 1047, the two armies approached each other across the plains, William and his Normans approached from the North east and Argences whilst Henry and his royal Frankish moved directly eastward from Valmery. Opposing them were the massed Rebel army with Guy of Burgundy and the leading Nobles commanding, towards the south approached a smaller third force that of Ralph Tession of Thury. The rebels believed Ralph Tession was marching to join their forces however as the sides clashed Ralph in fact marched to the assistance of the ducal forces and helped turn the tide in their favour. An interesting example of the early form of the Chivalric code is purported to have been carried out by Ralph Tession during the battle, the Rebel leaders had sworn on oath to strike Duke William, with to strike being translated as killing him. As the forces met Ralph rode toward the young Duke removed his glove and struck him with it, therefore he had not broken his oath and his honour remained intact.



    Map showing the disposition of the forces at Val-ès-Dune

    The battle before Ralph’s intervention was limited to small scale cavalry skirmishes but once Ralph Tession and his men assaulted the rebel flank their resolve disintegrated and the Western rebels attempted to retreat across the banks of the Orne with the Loyalist and Royal forces in full pursuit. Many of the rebels were either hacked down or drowned in the river near the ford at Fleury-Sur-Orne. The result was an outstanding Victory for the William and his Royal Allies but it was however indecisive, many of the rebellions leaders were able to escape including Guy of Burgundy and the leading magnates of Western Normandy. Once again William displayed a knock for the art of politics; Guy despite being holed up in Brionne was allowed to return to his father’s court in Burgundy while Viscount Rannulf of Bessin and Nigel of Cotentin two of the leading nobles of the rebellion despite and initial exile received pardons and were allowed to return to their lands bringing a quick end to rebellion. Other leaders of a lesser standing received little mercy from William, displaying his ruthless streak he quickly executed Grimoult of Plessis seizing his sizeable estate for the duchy.

    Truce of God and union with Mathilda of Flanders

    Many other minor Lords also received short shrift from William but after the initial bloodletting William looked to consolidate his hold on the Duchy by ordering a religious and administrative treaty known as the “Truce of God” at Caen in the same year. Bishops, Monk and Clerics were joined by Counts, Barons and Lords, all swore to abide by God’s peace which included limiting when and how battles could take place and what the ramifications would be for those who broke the truce. Whilst William still possessed many enemies within and outside the Duchy he had passed his first serious test emerging triumphant from the chaos of the Western Rebellion. His Authority was reasserted throughout the Duchy whilst peace would be in the short term be guaranteed by a religious truce.

    With peace now reigning Williams Barons advised him to take a wife, one with political connections preferably who would strengthen his position. William being effectively alone in his own family life besides his half-brothers was able then to pick his own wife. William chose the aristocratic Matilda of Flanders whom had not only a powerful father Baldwin of Flanders in her corner but also Royal blood in her veins being a granddaughter of Robert King of France. This match therefore aligned Normandy once more with another powerful Northern French power, the union of Flanders and Normandy meant that William’s position was strengthened against his rivals in Burgundy, Brittany, Maine and even the King of France himself.



    William used his marriage to Mathilda to ensure he had a powerful friend in her father Baldwin V of Flanders, the marriage however was more than one of convenience with William being a devoted husband to Mathilda.

    However the wedding plans ran into trouble on part of William and Matilda being within 7 degrees of kinship, or in layman’s terms distant blood relatives. Despite being fifth cousins the ecclesiastical powers would not sanction the union, many in Normandy believed that the hand of the King was involved in the impasse, fearing the union between the two northern principalities. The situation began to take the shape of larger political matter; the issue soon embroiled the pope of the time Leo IX, who being no friend of the Normans in part to the southern Normans endeavours in Italy threw his weight behind the decision to prevent the union at a ecclesiastical council in Rheims in 1049. Despite the close relationship between the Norman establishment and Church William went ahead with the union in 1050, effectively normal relations between the Papacy and Normandy were on hold at least until the advent of Pope Nicholas II, who sanctified the marriage in return for Williams agreement to establish a number of charitable institutions across Normandy.

    Richardide Rebels & Geoffrey Martell

    With the union now legal and above board William must have been satisfied with his new position, a new wife with powerful connections meant his position within Normandy was now greatly improved whilst he had demonstrated his unswerving determination and will by overcoming his enemies on the battlefield and political arena’s even defying the Holy Father. Despite his satisfaction at how things had recently turned out William must have knew trouble was never far away, he still had a number of enemies within the Duchy whilst the life and death game between the Counts and Dukes continued unabated. It would the descendants of his uncle Richard, the Duke his Father Robert was alleged to have poisoned who would now reveal themselves as his enemy. Despite not participating in the Western rebellion it would have been impossible for his relatives from the other branch of the ducal family to accept William’s position, it would take from 1047 to 1054 for William to deal with this rival branches of the ducal line.

    First Duke William had to deal with his namesake William Count of Mortain, the great grandson of Duke Richard I whom William exiled to Italy then another William Count of Eu, Duke Richard I Grandson tried his hand. William again chose to exile rather than kill his enemies this time the court of King Henry provided sanctuary to Williams enemies. Finally the son of Richard II William of Arques attempted an insurrection but met with the same results, being exiled to the Count of Boulogne.

    Now with many of the rebellious Counts and Lords of Normandy bought to heel William could at last look beyond Normandy’s borders. Despite these efforts of consolidation William was far from being the big shot in Northern France, during the hiatus of the early years of Williams reign Geoffrey Martell the Count of Anjou star had risen and he was now ranked as one of if not the most powerful lord in France. The situation between the King and Geoffrey had become intolerable; Geoffrey after seizing Touraine on the Royal Frontier was now squarely in Henry’s sights. William dutifully repaid his suzerain Lords assistance at Val-ès-Dune by joining him against Geoffrey at the siege of Moulihere.

    Again William demonstrated his skills in warfare but his involvement had more direct consequences, by aligning with King Henry William had marked himself as an enemy of the powerful Martell who duly moved his forces into Maine, dangerously close to Normandy and the seat of his own power. Whilst Martell took possession of Maine he also took advantage of a bitter dispute between the sociopathic William Talvas of Bellême and his son Arnulf, who followed in his father unscrupulous footsteps by moving against his infamous father. Despite removing his father from power Arnulf soon fell to an assassin’s blade. The ensuing Chaos allowed Martell to move into the neighbourhood just south of Normandy taking control of Domfront and Alençon and casting his eye towards Normandy.



    The proximity of the lord of Bellême's holdings meant who ever controlled them had a strategic point between Normandy and Maine

    William astutely recognised the danger Martell presented now he had took up shop in the near area and the toxicity of the situation in Bellême, he chose to add the Territory to the Duchy and therefore strengthen his southern flank against Martell who now controlled the County of Maine. Once Martells fortress of Moulihere fell to the Royal forces William was able to turn his attention fully on the situation in Bellême. After serving with distinction in this siege he seized Domfront and annexed the surrounding lands. William then moved towards Alençon, a town and siege that would demonstrate his ruthless streak, the Citizens of the town while under siege by Williams forces mocked William’s lowly origins by hanging the hides of Animals from the city walls and mocking his illegitimacy and the trade of his maternal Grandfather.

    This was a sore subject for William, whilst he may have been known the Bastard no sane man would have used it in his presence nor would he accept any question of his authority. Whilst he could be magnanimous those he believed could be of assistance to him in the future such as rebellious Counts and Lords for commoners there was no such leeway. Those who had insulted him were shown no mercy their hands and feet were hacked off, the traditional Norman Punishment for those who opposed ducal authority. Again William stood defiant in the face of his enemies, however his string of successes now marked him out as rival to the powerful Martell but also his former ally and suzerain lord King Henry I.

    Angevin and Royal Incursions

    The toxic politics of France in this time involved many key players, great lords came and went and with them went either glory or failure. Within William’s lifetime a number of the big shots had fallen by the wayside, In Brittany Alan III demise had marked a decline in its position while Guy of Burgundy failed rebellion in Normandy side-lined Burgundy from the great game, William’s marriage to Matilda bought Flanders into the fold aside him. Opposing him now were Geoffrey Martell the powerful Count of Anjou and King Henry I of France. Whilst Henry and Geoffrey had previously been enemies they recognised the capabilities of William and duly set aside their differences to remove what they considered the greater threat, Duke William and the resurgent Duchy of Normandy.

    No doubt Henry’s view of Normandy and its dynamic Duke was now being greatly influenced by the large number of exiles within his court, since his ascension a steady flow of exiles had sought refuge within his court. Seeing a chance to resolve the issue once and for all Henry and Martell concluded a treaty in 1052 and soon the first real invasion of Normandy would take place with a view to replacing the ducal authority within Normandy once and for all.

    Henry's first move was to offer limited support to William or Arques and therefore establishing a foothold in the south of the Duchy at Moulins-la-Marche. The first real inroad into the Duchy proper took place in the spring of 1054, The Royal army was to advance in two directions towards the Norman Capital Rouen, the first under the command of the King’s brother Odo advanced across the river Bresle on the Frontier with Picardy whilst the King and Martell moved further towards the North across the river Avre. William now demonstrated his own tactical expertise he divided his forces also, his own army shadowed that of the King whilst his leading Vassals Robert of Eu and Walter Giffard likewise shadowed Odo’s army towards upper Normandy.

    William correctly surmised that the overconfident Franco Angevin forces would be conducting a disorganised march across Normandy, this the Franks and the Angevin duly did and William ordered his forces to wait for the opportunity he felt would hand him the advantage. Outside the Village of Mortemer near Bray Odo’s army pitched camp without taken the most basic of precautions, the camp was near enough unguarded as the French troops had stupefied themselves on looted wine. As night fell and Odo’s army slept Williams Vassals Robert and Walter launched a ferocious assault on the French Billets. The drunken French were no match for the Normans and many were killed and taken prisoner, Odo and a handful of retainers managed to slip the Norman net and escape back into friendly territory.

    William then consolidated his forces but before a decisive action could take place Henry I after learning of the disaster at Mortemer ordered his army to withdraw and concluded a truce agreement with William. The peace would not last however and within 3 years both Henry and Martell would return to Normandy.

    The Second Invasion

    Both Henry and Martell learning of the folly of their previous invasion advanced into Normandy in 1057 not in separate columns but at the head of a large consolidated host. This time the route advance was to West of Normandy moving northward along the river Orne, Henry surmised that Western Normandy as being historically opposed to ducal authority would readily come over to the Royalist cause but this was a different Normandy to the one of William's minority. William’s authority was now universally recognised across the Duchy; Williams gathered his forces and once again allowed the Franco Angevin space to manoeuvre. William patiently waited as the Franco Angevin forces raised their way across Western Normandy; He had chosen to wait for the inevitable tactical mistake that would hand him the advantage, the mistake in question occurred as the Franco Angevin forces attempted to ford an estuary on the Dives River.



    William's Cavelry played a decisive role in both the battle of Mortemer and Varville, whilst William's skills in strategy secured the Duchy against the Franco Angevin Alliance during the campaign.

    As the Henry and Martell’s forces moved across the sea wall their numbers became condensed as the tide began to come in, Henry and Martell at the head of the column reached the safety of Bassbourg hill, a large portion of forces were however cut off on the other side of the river. William took his chance and assaulted the exposed forces that had yet to cross. There was little the King of France could do as he watched the massacre of his troops on the other side of the river, the action at Varville ended the second invasion and marked the last time Normandy would be invaded during William’s lifetime.

    William’s triumph was a stunning one; his tactical ingenuity had overcome the leading figures in Northern France on two separate occasions inflicting heavy losses. He was rightly recognised as a first rate commander and Military strategist, his use of unconventional methods secured Normandy and he now stood as one of if not the most powerful leader in Northern France. The following years only strengthened Williams position, in 1060 both Henry I and Geoffrey Martell died. Henry I successor Phillip I was just a minor of 8 years old under the guardianship of Williams father in law Baldwin V of Flanders therefore nullifying the Kingdom of the Franks against his Duchy. In Anjou the passing of Martell without a direct heir left a political vacuum, Geoffrey’s nephews fought a bitter civil war for control of the principality. Once the smoke cleared Fulk Rechin was the last man standing but Anjou was greatly weakened as a result of the conflict and would pose little or no threat to William.

    With two arch rival’s out of the way William looked to tie up the rest of the loose ends on the Duchy’s frontiers, to the south the vacant title of Count of Maine posed a potential threat. William ever the opportunist politician quickly married his son to the last Counts young daughter, many accepted the arrangement only a certain Geoffrey, lord of Mayenne a leading noble in the County opposed Williams movement into Maine. William once again demonstrated his skill for unconventional warfare by ordering two children to set a fire within Geoffrey’s castle as his own forces laid siege to it. The fire quickly overcame the garrison and Williams’s victory in Maine was now complete.

    Brittany and preparations for the Invasion of England

    With his Eastern and Southern frontiers now secure either through conquest or marriage William now cast his to the West and toward Brittany. Duke Conan II was making trouble and directly challenging Williams Authority in the West, Conan’s own hold on Brittany was not however uncontested. William chose to support Ruallon, Lord of Dol who was in open rebellion against Conan’s ducal authority. Conan had laid siege to the castle at Dol and William moved to lift the siege and support Ruallon, in a bizarre twist of fate William would fight alongside his future rival for the English Crown Harold, Earl of Wessex who was in Normandy at the time. Harold impressed the Duke with his martial prowess, earning his spurs as depicted in the Bayeux Tapestry. The siege was duly lifted and William pursued Conan as far as Rennes and thus nullified the Duke of Brittany.




    William's bizarre encounter with Harold, Earl of Wessex is documented within the Bayeux Tapestry. Within a decade they would battle for the crown of England.

    With Normandy now secure on all sides William must have looked on with satisfaction, every threat to his rule had been neutralised and he now stood as the undisputed master of Northern France, he had overcome enormous odds and moved from a troubled minority where all was at risk to the unparalleled political and military leader in the immediate region, his position being so secure he could even dare consider planning an invasion of England where fate had played into his hands. The story of the Norman Conquest of England and Williams' greatest triumph shall be covered in part 3 of By Lance and Sword-The Norman Conquests-The Conquest .


    ☩Lord Inquisitor Derpy Hooves☩
    Fragility of the Literary Utopia

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

    Utopia is a beautiful ideal. It is an ideal which many yearn for, a society that solves man’s problems. For some this means changing man, for others it means changing man’s habitat, the society in which he lives in. Yet, many utopias do not seem like they would last long. This is due to many of them being very complicated and over ambitious. Most cases, they are written with the intention that they are the final step in finding the perfect society. Many utopias that have existed, or are written with the appearance that they should exist, would not last. That is not to say that they cannot last long. The Ekumen in Ursula Le Guin’s Left Hand of Darkness, would actually last and it would not be due to the writer saying so; there are logical reasons for it lasting. The design of many literary utopias and historical utopias are so complex that these utopias are too fragile to last long, yet utopias that are simple design, like the Ekumen, have the potential to last.

    For many literary utopias, their lack of grasp on foreign policy would likely lead to their own extinction. Erewhon’s abhorrence of technology would lead to it being taken advantage of by foreign powers, especially if it had valuable resources. Utopias like Plato’s Republic and Thomas More’s Utopia rely on buying off or hiring mercenaries to fight their enemies, but that does not always work out. In this day and age, you cannot solely rely on a mercenary army to defend your country in case of an invasion. If buying off the enemy failed, it is highly doubtful that a mercenary army will be able to protect it. Even if it did, relying on foreigners for protection would negatively affect the country’s national pride. The people would be sad to know that they are so weak that they have to rely on foreigners for protection.

    This brings up something else that literary utopias cannot handle, globalization. Today’s world is smaller than ever, national markets are integrated with each other. Many of these utopias either do not have currency or, if they do, it is so unlike the currencies that currently exists. More’s Utopia does not have currency; instead they rely on their gold supplies in dealing with foreign trade, but in the modern world people do not purchase products with gold or other precious metals, they use hard currency. Utopia does not have this, which if it wants to last, it should find one otherwise there will be conflicts with other countries who want to trade with Utopia, but cannot due to Utopia’s nonexistent monetary system. Another problem with globalization is the spread of cultures. It is impossible for any society to prevent the spread of culture, and that spread of culture will change that society for better or for worse. If this were to happen to any utopia, it would not be a utopia anymore.

    The society of many literary utopias appears to be very complicated, though the judicial system in Looking Backwards and Utopia are said to be as simple as possible. This is because literary utopias tend to veer more towards communitarianism than individualism. For most literary utopias, society is almost completely structured by the government. In Looking Backwards, the economy is completely nationalized. Furthermore, the nation is seen as the employer and its citizens are the employees. So how does the government in such a society, distribute its employees amongst the countless jobs that are available? It is an important question, because one person is not always going to be suitable for a specific job than another person will. As such, the productive capacity of that country will not be as good as a country that does not have a nationalized economy. So whereas the economy of Looking Backwards employs everyone, private businesses hire to fill in niches, and the people who fill in those niches will be more productive than those who are randomly chose to fill in niches. Additionally, in Looking Backwards, the age of retirement is forty-five. This is very detrimental to any economy, especially in the modern world where retirees are increasing exponentially because of the baby boomers. Limiting the age to forty-five severely reduces the economic capacity of the country, growth will be very minimum compared to countries who have a later age of retirement.

    Another problem is that many literary utopias do not expect any change to happen. Erewhon, a utopia found in Samuel Butler's Erewhon, is against change, as shown by their abhorrence of technology. It is possible to stay that way in Erewhon, considering how the government will make sure any transgressions are punished. Whereas in Looking Backwards, change is not frowned upon, in fact innovation is rewarded. Hence, the evolution of technology is not affected in Looking Backwards, but what about political change? The American government in Looking Backwards rarely passes laws. The legislature meets once every few years, in the 21st century, that is way too long of a period to not meet. So much happens every few years that must be dealt with immediately, not later. In addition, people do not want to have to wait a few years just to see whether or not the government is going to even consider passing, example, legislation regarding gay marriage rights. No one lives forever, thus the government must always be up to date with society. There will never be a one size fits all government, as it will always have to change with the times. Though it is not a utopia, rather a dystopia, Zamyatin’s We gives a clear reason why political changes cannot be stifled. At the beginning of Record Thirty in We, the main protagonist, D-503 states that there cannot be anymore revolutions, as the one that created One-State was the last revolution. I-330 then asks D-503 what the final number is, with which he replies that there is no final number. I-330 uses D-503’s response to refute his argument by saying that just like numbers are infinite, so too are revolutions. There cannot be a final system, such a thing can only be accomplished if society was the kind of dystopia that exists in We, where people’s imagination is taken away. Humanity has and always will be driven to progress in every way; political change is given no exception.

    Utopias have existed in the past, particularly the 19th century where utopian societies popped up all over the rural parts of northern United States. The leaders of these societies must have been very charismatic, none of these societies lasted more than a generation. Like many of the literary utopias, these societies were communitarian in approach and as such had good intentions, getting everyone in the community to work together to benefit each other. The Oneida community practiced a system of criticism, where everyone in the community would criticize positive and negative aspects in each other. The point of this was so that people could find out what they to improve on so as to become a better person. For many utopian communities, the society was based on religion, such as the Oneida, the Amana and the Shakers; yet the 19th century was follow up on the Age of Enlightenment where religion was becoming less and less important to the structure of society. So you have the first generation of these utopias who are enthusiastic about the communitarian ideals either sincerely or because of their charismatic leaders. Then you have the next generation, they are not going to be as enthusiastic about religion and utopian ideals as the previous generation and thus there will be changes in the society that will remove the fundamental elements of that society that it utopian.

    For many literary utopias and the historical utopias, there was just too much structure in place that made utopian, but at the same time made it more fragile to time’s ruinations. Yet, it is still possible for some kind of utopia to be achieved; however it must be simple in its approach, like the Ekumen in Le Guin’s Left Hand of Darkness. The Ekumen is an organization that seeks to unite all of the worlds populated by humans. Not to rule them, but to coordinate with them, alliances, trade etc. The Ekumen tries to settle disputes between its members. Since the Ekumen does not have laws and is not as authoritative as it could be, Genly Ai, the main protagonist who was sent on a mission from the Ekumen to convince Gethen to be a part of the Ekumen, states that it is a failure, yet, in despite this, “its failure has done more good for humanity so far than the successes of its predecessors.”. It is because of its lack of authority that the Ekumen has lasted. Based on the details given in the Left Hand of Darkness regarding the Ekumen, no member has left it, and that is because they are not forced to do anything and cultures from other worlds are not forced on them. Member worlds still have their own laws that apply to anyone who comes to their world. The efforts of the Ekumen have somewhat united the human worlds it has come into contact with, and has brought prosperity to those worlds as they were able to progress with the help of the many members of the Ekumen. Despite the lack of laws, the Ekumen has done what it can to establish harmony and the proliferation of trade and knowledge between human worlds.

    In the literary utopias, generally the reader will never find out how long the utopias last, otherwise that would be contradicting the point of the utopia. Yet the authors of these literary utopias made them too complex that they are actually quite fragile and would not last against the test of time. There is already historical evidence for this, as many utopian societies popped around the United States during the 19th century, but generally lasted only a generation. Yet this does not mean that utopian-like societies are impossible to establish. Simple utopian societies such as the Ekumen in the Left Hand of Darkness, will more likely last longer than any utopian society that is complicated in structure as well as being over ambitious.

    Bibliography
    Bellamy, Edward. Looking Backwards: 2000-1887. 1888.
    Butler, Samuel. Erewhon. 1872.
    Le Guin, Ursula. Left Hand of Darkness. 1969.
    More, Thomas. Utopia. 1516.
    Zamyatin, Yevgeny. We. 1921.


    Event of the Year

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

    Intro The year 2012 has been a long year, and as always, it has been filled with ups and downs; good things and bad. As always there are certain events in a year that stand out from all the rest. Obviously the most significant event of the year will vary from person to person. What might be considered the most significant event of the year, some might look at political events, scientific events, while others might view a family event to be the most significant.

    The intention of this article is to start a yearly tradition of choosing what I consider, or another Helios writer, considers being the “event of the year.” For me, the event of the year will almost always be political in nature. Political events are always interesting affairs. Politics can cause many things, from catastrophic wars to a simple treaty establishing trade between two nations. What I consider to be the most significant event has more to do with the people of a country rather than the government(s) of one or more countries.

    On the night of September 11, the US embassy in Benghazi, Libya was attacked by armed militants. This attacked resulted in the death of the US Ambassador to Libya as well as the deaths of many other Americans and Libyans. These attacks were immediately condemned by the Libyan people. Ten days after the attack, an estimated 30,000 Libyans gathered in Benghazi and demanded an end to the armed militias that have existed in Libya since the civil war ended last year. Furthermore, these protesters, along with Libyan security forces, stormed numerous militia bases. In each assault, the militias were sent running, the only casualties that day were inflicted on the protesters.

    So why is this event significant? Since I am an American, some might figure that I find it to be significant because the US got revenge against those who would attack its diplomats. That would be ignoring the courage and bravery that the Libyan people exhibited on September 21, 2012. It takes a lot of courage to stand up for what is right and what must be done. The protesters, who were unarmed, faced armed militants. While some militia groups were permitted by the government, that fact did not save them from the same fate as every other militant group in Benghazi that had bases stormed by protesters. What the Libyan protesters did that day demonstrated what average citizens could accomplish when they are determined.


    Who Rules Whom Until the last couple months, there were two positions of power in Libya, the government in Tripoli, and the militia groups that established themselves in Libya. Libya has smaller administrative units that govern regions, cities etc., but these smaller governments are not able to challenge the central government’s authority, whereas the militias are able to challenge the central government. How? The militias are military groups that have a variety of weapons. True, there is a national Libyan army, aside from the Libyan Civil War, the national army is untested, and the Libyan Civil War is discounted considering that is exactly how the militia’s got their experience. In addition, some of the militia groups are local Islamic militant groups. The government appears to have realized this, but their actions have been slow. The government’s actions to remove the militia groups are only in reaction to problems that the people have voiced. For instance, it was only in the first few months of this year that the government took over prisons that were previously controlled by the militias. The demand for this was from reports that the militia groups were torturing prisoners. The attack on the embassy and the death of the US Ambassador to Libya, a man who was considered to be a friend of Libya, outraged the Libyan public. The public Libyan reaction to the event made it clear to the Libyan government, action would have to be taken against the militia groups or the government could lose its legitimacy in the eyes of its people. Following the events that occurred in Benghazi on the 21st of September, the Libyan government ordered for all militias, not sanctioned by the government, to disband. Not all militias have heeded this order, but many have heeded the order and have handed their weapons over to the military.

    Reining in the various militia groups is a step in the right direction. Once all the militias, sanctioned and unsanctioned, are fully reined in and eventually disbanded, the new Libyan government will have fully gained the trust of its people. Obviously, it is impossible to expect 100% of the population to fully trust the government, rather doubtful that 100% population of any country fully trusts its own government, but the militia groups are visible signs of suspicions towards the new government. It cannot be helped, Libya has had a dictator for almost half a century, and as a result there are fears that the new democracy will transform into an autocracy or at the very least an anocracy. The post-civil war militias more or less existed for the purpose of beginning the fight anew if the new government becomes tyrannical.

    However, these militias are a double edged sword. While their existence can be seen as a tool to ward off the possibility of the new government becoming tyrannical, they are also viewed as thugs. In many areas, militias have set up their own ‘fiefs’, areas where they have established their own authority. As a result, they have established checkpoints in these areas where they could exact tolls from passersby or prevent people from leaving the area. These militias can also bully the civilians in the area to join them. The militias are also useful in the political world, come election time, they can ‘convince’ people to vote one way or another; furthermore, the militias can threaten Libyan politicians. These militias make Libya appear to be more like the average African democracy, where elections are rigged and politicians are very corrupt. What is worse is that if another militia comes into the area, a turf war might erupt. In sum, these militias impede further stability in Libya, unless they are disbanded, and I mean the disbandment of both authorized and unauthorized militias.

    This is something that many Libyans want, and they have been voicing their opinions ever since the civil war ended. Like a proper democracy, the government appears to be listening to its people. Their actions against the militias, ordering the disbanding of all unauthorized militias makes this perfectly clear that the government is listening. While the government still allows authorized militias, this appears to be temporary. They allow these militias because they provide internal security, but give it a few months to a year and it is very likely that the militia will be gone. This will have resulted from increasing demands from the Libyan public.

    In actuality, it is the people who are more powerful than the government, or any group, such as the militias, who seek to enforce their will. At first, this appears to be an odd statement. The government and the militias have greater military power than the people. The government can easily just shoot anyone that disagrees. This can only be done in small quantities without angering the entire country. If the entire country is angered, even those who once held allegiance to the government will turn their backs and join the people. This has demonstrated time and time again, even in authoritarian regimes, members of the government or military cut their ties with the government and join the people. All it takes from the people is determination and courage.

    There are many ways people may enact changes in the government, one way to do this is by protest. This has happened frequently in Libya the past year; the people are enjoying their new hard won freedoms. As a reaction to the murder of the US Ambassador to Libya, as well as many other Americans and Libyans, there were at least two days of anti-militia protests, the first held the day after the attack and the second ten days after the attack. The protestors of the second anti-militia protests, as we all know, proceeded to storm various militia bases around Benghazi. This forced present militiamen to flee those bases, and allowed the protestors to take over the bases. Prisoners who were found at the bases were set free and some of the bases were set on fire to prevent the militias from returning. Some of the bases put up some semblance of resistance and fired on the protestors, but this did not stop the protestors from putting an end to the presence of militia in Benghazi.

    What these people did is absolutely inspiring. Storming those bases must have taken a ton of courage to do, for they could have been jailed or killed. Many of them were shot by the militia, but this did not stop the people from finishing their mission. The most violent thing these people did was torch militia bases, they did not kill anyone. This is very surprising, considering that there is always a tendency for things to get out of hand during gatherings such as these. It must have taken a lot of willpower not to kill the militiamen or at the very least beat them up. The protestors were not only comprised of people who were outraged by the attack on the US Embassy, there were also people who had had enough of the militia in Benghazi and wanted Benghazi to be ruled by Libya, not the militias. What is more is that not all of the protestors comprised of people who were outraged by the Benghazi attacks, some were anti-American but were out protesting because they were anti-militia. Like the Libyan Civil War, this was a popular event (as in a majority of Libyans supported the storming of the militia bases), that brought many Libyans together to bring about the end of armed militias in Libya.

    Last Words
    Finally, what happened encourages my optimism for the Libyan situation. I have been very optimistic about the popular uprisings and revolutions going on around the world. I have hope that these events will transform the government(s) into a government(s) that seeks to cooperate with its people rather than focusing on propping up themselves. That is the purpose of a government, serving the people. Now how exactly that is to be done varies from person to person, but what needs to be done is to listen to the people. For without people to rule over, a government has no purpose. This is not at all advocating for democratic governments, because if the monarchs can listen to their people they can be just as popular with their people as a democratic government could be.

    For now, it seems like the Libyan people are content with their new government. For a post-civil war state, Libya is relatively peaceful especially now a full year after the civil war has ended. The violence that continues is expected in a state that has had violent government transition, it happened in the US following independence. So while there is a chance that the new Libyan government might fall in the next years, it is unlikely. The government thus far has the approval of the Libyan people, which it will need if it expects to survive.




    Copperknickers II
    An Urban Species

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    An Urban Species

    Homo Sapiens is in the midst of one of the greatest changes in our evolutionary history. The very fabric of our society is being changed radically, in a way not seen since the advent of large permanent settlements 5000 years ago: we are heading into a future of steel, glass and concrete, as the landscape gives way to cityscape, and we become an urban species. It may seem to us a rather slow revolution that has been going on for over fifty years, but it is truly a fundamental change: we are abandoning our natural setting and heading inexorably to a state where the vast majority of us live in cities.

    The concept of the city has changed: before the Early Modern period, it was merely a particularly large town, perhaps the largest port or the capital city. Now, the city has moved down a rung on the ladder, giving way to the megacity. Until as recently as 1970, the number of official megacities (those with more than ten million inhabitants) could be counted on the fingers of one hand. Now, there are 28 different urban agglomerations which can boast this title. In 2008, the number of people living in cities exceeded that of those living in the countryside. This year, as you have probably heard, the total number of people exceeded 7 billion. And the rates of growth of these cities are truly staggering: to give an example, at its height last year, the rate of people piling into Lagos, Nigeria, was around 200,000 people per month, the equivalent of 12 small cities upping sticks and jumping in to the megacity in a single year.

    The world's two most populous countries, China and India, are both developing at an astonishing rate. China especially has seen the growth of cities on an astronomical scale, and as a result has seen them balloon in size and scale: where once there were rice fields, now there are skyscrapers (indeed, prior to the 21st century there were only 4 'supertall' skyscrapers over 300m tall: by 2020 there will be upwards of 30, and the majority of these will be in cities such as Shenzhen, Hefei and Wuhan, cities with skylines to rival New York, though many of you have probably never heard of them.) This has seen China's economy skyrocket into the stratosphere, as it industrialiases at breakneck speed, and, though some warn of a gigantic debt crisis looming on the horizon, it looks set to continue until China is on par with Europe and America as an industrialised country. This being said, it is extremely uncertain what would happen to the global economy if every country becomes fully urbanised, so Asia may have to follow a different model to the West: cities are centres of learning and cooperation, as shown by the huge increase in universities and research institutes in recent years, but the consequences of a huge increase in the numbers of the educated middle class could be severe for economies which rely on cheap uneducated workers and farmers.

    The massive growth of these cities has created a plethora of problems in various fields, from stretching of infrastructure to its limits, social conflicts and economic change of an unprecedented magnitude, but one of the less mentioned ones is that of national identity. Cities today are the centres of globalistion: the bigger the city, the harder it often is to distinguish its cultural origin. Show most people a picture of a business district full of towering steel and glass skyscrapers, and they would struggle at first to tell Dubai from Dongguan, Dallas or Durban; a far cry from the cities of 100 years ago, where even the largest megacities such as New York, Paris and London were all full of iconic local architecture. As cities become more and more diverse and cosmopolitan, so this reflects in their appearance and culture: take a walk around a London and you won't be hard pressed to find Asian food, African music, foreign languages from all corners of the globe being spoken, and even authentic Hindu temples, Mosques, and Orthodox Churches.

    This is not to say however that they retain no unique identity: here in London, landmark buildings such as the Shard and the Cheese-Grater, though they are modern skyscrapers, will soon become internationally recognised symbols alongside the cathedrals and palaces which lie in their shadows, and Dubai's iconic superscrapers are every bit as majestic as any ancient mausoleum or temple. If anything, the more globalised a city becomes, the more it makes its mark on the global consciousness as a pioneering metropolis. They can have immensely different characters as well, from the majesty of Paris or Istanbul, to the insanity of Delhi and Calcutta, to the clockwork calm of Tokyo. And the concrete jungle is at least as dense with life as the rainforest, with different languages, architecture, shops and secrets around every corner.



    Despite all of the challenges ahead, the city is becoming the core unit of human civilisation to an extent never before seen, and combined with the digital revolution we must surely be witnessing a move into a new era: as the transition from nomad to settlement brought with it untold technological and cultural achievements, so this, the largest human migration in history, can only bring a host of exciting new things for our species.


    Inarus
    Beyond the Barbican: A Tale of Siege and Slaughter, Continued

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    Beyond the Barbican
    A Tale of Siege and Slaughter, Continued

    Though apparently a piece of fiction (the castle is certainly imagined), I aim in this to educate as much enliven the various parts of a castle which were employed to destroy an attacker's army.

    As this is a Medieval Siege, I need not, but will, point out that this contains heavy violence.


    Part II
    Image I


    Caernarvon Castle in Wales featuring polygonal towers reinforced with “batter”, sloping faces which helped the wall resist both ladders and undermining.


    Eadmund had watched bitterly when the battering ram and its escort vanished through the mouth of the barbican. Fresh levies, despatched against the barbican without hope of success, not only were they untrained, but the army was not behind them to lend their support. The main force cowered in the shadow of the walls, beneath wooden shelters adorned with hides to deter the flames hurled against them. And under those shelters, they waited for him, Eadmund, a nobody bearing a torch.

    The tunnel of the mine ran from behind the camp’s palisade, beyond the eyes of the rebels, to beneath the foundations of the southern curtain wall. There was no moat of water there to weaken the ground as there was to the east side, nor did the tower rest upon foundations of stone as the walls did to the north and west. At Caernarvon Castle the towers were built many-sided with all the more corners to withstand undermining, but here on the east side the towers rose as sturdy cylinders, without a single point of weakness and capable even of deflecting catapult fire. Thus it was that a tower upon the southern wall was chosen, old mortar, square in shape, easy to undermine.

    Image II


    Drawing of various tower designs.


    At the mouth to the mine tunnel, Eadmund ushered to those who brought the pigs, ‘In ’ere,’ he commanded as they led them from their cages. The pigs went into the tunnel first, Eadmund followed. They were stubborn at the start, yet when he waved the flaming brand at them they squealed and hastened down the passage as if he were a butcher preparing the King’s bacon. That would have been a kinder fate.

    The tunnel was long but fairly straight, dropping down steeply at first but then rising steadily as it drew nearer the curtain wall. It was roughly hewn, fragments of stone and loose soil trickled down from the ceiling above yet for the most part the packed earth and stone that made up the roof seemed stable. The supporting beams were strong but dry, and would hold long enough until it was time for them to burn. He passed a large stone as he urged the pigs forwards, fallen from the ceiling or wall perhaps, shaken loose by the many footsteps, those of man and animal.

    The end of the tunnel was notably wider and better supported, the ceiling held up by at least a dozen thick posts and crossbeams. In the roof Eadmund thought he spied a fragment of the tower’s foundations, that or a piece of natural rock. He urged the pigs forwards with mutterings of, ‘In yer get, it’ll all be over soon,’ and they appeared to comprehend that well enough. In the room a mound of kindling sat, just enough to start the fire, let the animals do the rest. He pitied those pigs and mourned the meat they could alternatively be providing, they may have been deemed an inferior batch, but he wagered they would have provided a finer meal than what he was used to. He cast the torch towards the kindling and hastened to block off the pig’s escape, using a spare plank of wood and wedging it carefully.

    As he turned his back on the flames, the squeals reached an unbelievable pitch, he felt the heat on his back as the fires gorged themselves on wood and flesh; he broke into a run, the smoke chasing him. He tripped on a loose stone and scrambled to his feet whilst the dying screams rang in his ears, as terrifying as the claustrophobia that was gripping him. He heard a distant rumbling, like thunder roaring during a storm, the earth seemed to tremble underfoot and he heard wood snapping. Shaken loose, a stone fell from above. It was just heavy enough to knock him into oblivion.

    *

    Image III


    Various Designs of Medieval Crossbows and Mechanisms for Drawing the Cord.


    From his vantage point atop the belfry, the rebels manning the battlements appeared to be easy targets, yet the siege tower beneath Nicholas’ feet was being pushed closer and closer to the enemy and for each foot it moved, the more the tower seemed to shake. The top of the belfry was open to the elements with the wooden walls cut not unlike crenellations, providing the crossbowmen with some thin form of cover as well as gaps to shoot through. Nicholas peered through one of these gaps, resting his crossbow on the wooden wall, angling it at the enemy’s general direction. He wasted no time in pulling the trigger, feeling horribly exposed when he stood with his body visible for all the archers to target. The bolt flew straight, but Nicholas was out of sight before he could see if it had met a target.

    Taking cover, he placed the tip of the crossbow on the floor, slipping his foot through the stirrup at the tip of the weapon and, grasping the cord with both hands, he wrenched it along the length of the shaft, working it around the hook of the trigger. The cord required all his strength to manipulate and chafed his fingers as he worked it into place, yet once it was locked in position by the trigger it took no further effort to keep it primed. He loaded a bolt into the groove in the shaft and patiently waited for a crossbowman to take his turn at the gap in the wooden wall. When he stepped back to reload, Nicholas stepped in, again using the wooden wall to support the crossbow. Keeping low he peered down the length of the shaft, targeting a lightly armoured longbowman who stood in a crenel. Gently, he released the trigger and with a click and a whoosh the bolt hurtled along the groove, the cord providing its momentum, it shot free of the crossbow and flew straight. A gust of wind knocked it slightly off course but Nicholas’ aim had been far from perfect and the bolt angled slightly northwards, cutting through the air, passing between two tall merlons, slamming into an archer’s leather jerkin and throwing him backwards. He fell to the stone ground and tumbled off the edge of the wall, trailing a trickle of blood as he went; his body slammed into the roof of the stables standing behind the curtain wall, tiles shattering and bones breaking.

    When Nicholas next rose to aim at his foe, he noted the numerous deep square cuttings just below the crenellations of the walls and towers – putlog holes to hold timber beams for supporting hoarding – yet the rebels had neither found time nor resources to put them to use as they had done on other segments of the walls. Typically, when the threat of war was over, hoarding would have been taken down by the lord of the castle and hastily replaced if the threat returned. However of greater concern to Nicholas was tower looming to his left, the peak of which was as tall as his own position. With the side facing outwards rounded it had not been chosen for undermining, but now it posed Nicholas a threat as projectiles began to steadily be loosed in his direction. He ducked down as one sailed overhead and raised his readied crossbow. His shot aimed at an archer hit a merlon but his next struck true, striking a longbowman in the neck and tearing open an artery.

    The number of archers on the battlements was thinning now that the belfry was drawing close to the wall. As infantry took position behind the crenellations with shields raised to protect their upper bodies, Nicholas noted that the belfry had stopped and that the rumble of its movement had been replaced by the shuffling of heavy footsteps below him as his companions readied themselves in front of the closed drawbridge, which would fall to span the gap between tower and crenellations.

    Image IV


    19th Century Engraving from
    Military Antiquities Respecting a History of The English Army from Conquest to the Present Time of a Siege Tower crossing an in-filled dry moat.


    Hold fire, came a command from below as Nicholas stretched the cord of his crossbow around the trigger mechanism. Cowering atop the tower they were given ample time for each of them to reload before the next order was issued, yet as he waited, Nicholas found himself crouched in a corner of the belfry parapet, striving to make himself as small a target as possible as the enemy became emboldened by the absence of returning fire and the rain of missiles increase. Time dragged as they awaited the next command, yet when it came, Nicholas wavered.

    Volley!

    Fearful but determined, Nicholas took a deep breath and rose to his feet, turning as he did so to face the wall ahead and the enemies manning it. To his right a ball of lead slingshot smashed into a crossbowman’s eye socket and with a bloodcurdling cry he fell back. Nicholas rose to his position, aimed hastily and pulled the trigger, then ducked back down to reload. Below he heard the crash of the drawbridge falling open, the thunder of heavy footsteps upon the wood, the roar of voices and then the clash of steel. He readied another bolt and his eye fell upon a bloody ball of lead shot rolling on the floor of the belfry.

    Upon it, two words had been carelessly engraved by the slinger, crudely spelling out,

    Take that.

    *

    Guillaume de Normandie arose from the protection of the shelter, shield before him, angled to catch the arrows aimed at his head. There were few of those though, the arrows had ceased, no doubt stunned by the chaos that had befallen the tower. The sappers had done well, he observed, the tower lay in ruins. Crumbled stone stood still where they were supported by the curtain walls, yet the front and rear of the structure had been reduced to a rugged slope. It would be hard work, but he had faith in his men that they would scale the breach without issue.

    Guillaume quickened his pace, fearing the return of the arrows and, dodging fallen missiles, black with died-out flame, he came at last to the ditch before the curtain wall. It had been designed to funnel attacking forces into areas devoid of such a defence, yet with this part of wall deemed weakest, Guillaume and his men were forced to navigate the dry moat. It was no easy feat, the sides sloped steeply, descending at least four feet with stakes protruding from the banks, the points staring Guillaume in the face. He moved cautiously, careful to keep his shield in position as he placed one armoured foot down then another. The armour itself did not aid matters, being heavy and hindering his agility, but as the arrows returned, their barbed shafts raining down, Guillaume felt suddenly comfortable encased within that costly mail. The shower of projectiles quickened, the archers behind the remaining hoarding having recovered from the shock of the undermined tower. One arrow slammed into his shield, another flew past his shoulder, the next glanced off his greaves but they were naught in comparison to the rock that struck him next. With all the force of a swordsman’s muscular arms behind it, the blunt fragment of stone struck his exposed side, throwing him off balance, he teetered for a moment on the slope of the ditch, and then fell forwards. The stake did the rest.

    *

    Image V


    The Battle of Neville's Cross from Froissart's Cronicles, the English are seen defending against a Scottish invasion in a battle which would end with the capture of King David II of Scotland and the routing of his army.


    The barbican which, to the men who had preceded him, seemed to be the jaws of hell, were to His Majesty the doors of opportunity and victory. The crenelated extension of pale stone which previously garrisoned foe was now held by friend and the rain of projectiles was now non-existent. The approach of the King was planned to be the last stage of the siege, his advisors had called it rash and dangerous, but he sought to inspire courage in his men and fear in his foes and he could not do that back in camp, not with the towering yet broken walls between him and his army. Once they had passed through the breach he had neither sight nor control of his army and it was not a situation he relished, even though the order to prioritise the capturing of the gatehouse had been successfully performed.

    The smell reached him before the sight. They littered the ground, skin charred , mouths gaping open, frozen in eternal silent screams, what words came to dying men’s lips, the King wondered, mother, no doubt; they always called for the one who gave them life. They awaited their sovereign on the inner side of the portcullises, some offered him frozen hands, like pilgrims desiring the touch of a holy relic, like creatures clawing at the heavens for their saviour. One of his bodyguards crossed himself, the King vowed to offer prayers to them that night when the battle was done. The second portcullis opened slowly, letting a body slumped up against it collapse to the ground. Its pale eyes stared up at the King as he rode by, jaws gaping open, black skin rent with bloody crimson cracks.

    When he emerged from the tunnel, even the fresh air couldn’t eradicate the smell of burnt human flesh from his nostrils yet there were issues of greater concern which took his mind off the stench. His bodyguard formed up either side of him, brave lords each of them, and he surveyed the scene ahead. The Norman keep, captured by the foe, towered in the centre. Once a motte had stood there, a wooden keep atop; yet that man-made mound, unable to support a heavy stone keep, had been removed and a new, stronger and more permanent stone structure stood in place. Standing about this stood a chapel, a stables holding a few terrified destriers, a small smithy and a structure to house a larger garrison, though most soldiers would be housed within the keep itself.

    Image VI


    Drawing of Middleham Castle, North Yorkshire, England, Reconstructed.


    The keep was rectangular in shape, with a square tower at each corner save for the westernmost one. At the lowest level these were nonexistent so that arrows could not be fired in yet higher up narrow openings were visible which splayed out internally to bring in as much light as possible to the dark chambers within. The walls themselves were stone, hardly a material that would retain the warmth in the keep, but being a few feet thick, they would certainly withstand a determined assault for some time. The King noted the gargoyles atop the Keep, roughly fashioned but sufficient to channel any rainwater out of the crude mouths of the stone creatures and away from the mortar of the walls which otherwise would be weakened by the rain. Yet of foremost concern to the King was that it had but one entrance, accessible only by a stair which climbed up the east side of the keep to this door. The stair was narrow and fortified against attack, yet there was no other way in, and in the killing field between the Keep and the outer curtain wall, the rebels made a last defiant effort, holding back the flood of soldiers from the breach and the siege tower. He couched his lance and at his side the other lances fell down, one after the other, the last bore his banner at the tip. The lion’s mouth was rent in a roar.

    Charge!’ he cried, but likely it was not heard over the din of battle, but the spurring of his horse was seen and with stern discipline the mounted men spurred their steeds ahead, lance tips glinting in the light of the fires. Ahead men scurried aside, but many were too engaged to sight the oncoming threat until it was a shadow above them. The distance was too short for the full force of a cavalry charge, but it would be sufficient. Body leaning forward and eyes following the line of his lance, the King saw one figure dart aside, saw another take his place. The lance tip struck wood, all the weight and momentum of horse and King was thrust into a soldier’s shield. The lance shattered, sending splinters of wood flying in all directions but not before doing the same to the shield, renting it into shards and breaking the arm that bore it. Then the King’s destrier was in the midst of the fray, overrunning its rider’s victim and trampling all else in its path. The King hurled aside his useless stick and unsheathed his sword, arcing the blade down then up, striking a helm, knocking the wearer unconscious and blunting his blade. Oblivious he pushed on, striking again, catching a rebel in his back with the point of his blade. A spear was thrust up at him and he knocked it aside with his blade, encouraging the horse forward to allow him to reach the foe. The spear came again and this time he caught it with his other hand, releasing the reins and wrenching the spear from the man’s grasp, then he thrust it down, striking by fortune his eye socket.

    ‘Pull back!’ a rebel cried and after that the shout resounded around the courtyard. The retreat was disorderly, those at the frontlines cut down by the Royal army as they routed, those behind more cautious. As the rebels reached the steps of the keep they turned to form a wall against their foes, retreating slowly, one step at a time. The King watched as his men made to follow, as the arrow-fall grew heavier, as trapped in the narrow stair, their numbers became worthless. He gritted his teeth then pulled his horse away, raised his eyes to the keep and bellowed over the din, pleading to the rebelling Lord, ‘Surrender!’

    Surrender now else I swear to God in heaven that every man who protects you, every woman who serves you and your wife who loves you, even every one of your bastard babes shall be put to the sword. I shall grant no mercy, the storming of the Keep shall see blood run as high as the bridles of our horses and none shall pray for your immortal souls.’


    With thanks to HeirofAlexander and Radboud.


    Read more in the next post!
    Last edited by Legio; February 20, 2013 at 07:56 AM. Reason: minor formatting

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    The IPA: An Introduction

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    The sound of a language, how it is heard and flows, is one of its most defining features. This is the case especially when the structure and motive behind the sound is removed, for example when one hears a foreign tongue. No one will comment on a Spaniard’s sly use of the subjunctive when he or she simply hears a funny string of “Spanish-like” utterances. Correct use of sound is also vital; mispronunciation of words can lead to confusion and ill ends.

    But this seems all very obvious, sounds are just sounds, but once we start latching concepts to them we stop hearing them as their pure audial form. This is because our brains have selective cognition as not to overload them. Otherwise, your own language would SOUND to you, much like a foreign one does: a confusing stream of vowels and consonants that make no sense; communication would be impossible. This is why you can’t really know how your native language sounds to a foreigner, because your understanding of what is being said blocks out the true nature of the words, that is their audial form. Now, this wouldn’t frustrate many people, because it helps us speak and understand unburdened, but many linguists have dedicated many an hour to the study of a language’s sound: that is, its phonology.

    One of the most immediate things you will notice when wading in the world of phonology is that describing the human sounds is very difficult without the proper tools. Yes, you can say that the word ‘pain’ sounds like when you say ‘pain’; when you put a ‘p’, an ‘a’, an ‘i’ and an ‘n’ together, but that would be dismally insufficient. Not only because you are describing something with itself in a circular fallacy, but you are also being very narrow minded. A Londoner would say ‘pain’ far more differently than a Cajun prawn farmer. And, ‘pain’ would be said and hold a much different meaning to a Parisian.

    So we can see that even our tool for representing language, our alphabet, fails miserably at describing it. This is due to it not holding the same meaning universally. Heck! English is known to hate letters that have a corresponding a unique sound; the radicalist’s use of the blasphemic ‘ghoti’ being a prime and harrowing example[1] .

    But do not despair, for there does exist an alphabet specifically designed to describe human sound, which I shall focus on from now on.

    The IPA (International Phonetic Alphabet) is a constructed script based upon the Latin alphabet to be used exclusively for the exact noting down of spoken language, thus allowing the transferal of a language’s exact phonetics via non-audial forms, e.i. text. It does this by putting a specific phonetic value to a specific symbol. /p/ will sound /p/ anywhere you place it; the IPA basically maps out all the possible human sounds, which are not few. This leads to there being many, many IPA symbols.
    Let’s take a quick peek?

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

    Full chart of the IPA.
    Source: Wikimedia Commons


    It can be very overwhelming at first, but the linguists who built it where not sadistic torture minions, they made it have a logical structure, a set of regular parameters to the maelstrom of the human mouth.

    There are two main IPA charts, one being the consonant chart and the other the vowel chart, that is, between sounds that are produced by obstruction of the air through the mouth and sounds that pass through unobstructed, respectively.

    Consonants:

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

    IPA consonant chart.
    Source: Wikimedia Commons


    For consonants, a symbol’s position is based on two factors:

    The point of articulation: Wherein one produces and obstruction to alter the sound. Using your tongue or lips. Represented by the top row, ordered from most forward to most back. /t/ is a dental because the tongue touches the teeth when produced.

    The manner of articulation: the way in which the sound is let through the mouth. Does not really have a stringent order on the chart. /t/ is plosive because the sound is ‘forced out violently’.

    A third additional factor is whether the sound is voiced or unvoiced, that is, ‘Do your vocal chords vibrate or not when you say it?’. Many sounds come in voiced and unvoiced pairs, like /t/ and /d/.

    The most important thing about this format is that you can know a sound without ever seeing the symbol. For example, we see the name “unvoiced labiodental fricative”. It means nothing if you don’t know what each name means but we’ll get there. The name shows us the three factors I mentioned before, ordered in the voicing, point and manner format. So we know this:
    It is unvoiced, so our vocal chords to not vibrate when we say it.

    It is labiodental, so we use our lips and our teeth together when pronouncing it.

    It is a fricative, so we force the air out through a narrow channel, letting it exit gradually.

    Now, to produce it: press your lower lip against your upper teeth and gently blow out air without making a sound in your vocal chords. If you are successful then, congratulations, you have pronounced the unvoiced labiodental fricative whose symbol is /f/ and exactly the same as our own <f> symbol. This method of naming is useful when one wants to be exact on a sounds description. Much like explaining the fingering of a guitar chord rather than saying the letter for the chord itself.

    But we’re not finished! Consonants are not limited to one sole articulation, they can be co-articulated. These supplementary articulations are normally marked by diacritics or letters in superscript.

    So you can have a unvoiced labiovelar plosive /kʷ/, which is basically a /k/ (as the Spanish ‘c’) but you round your lips when you say it. /kʷ/ is seen in words such as ‘quail’ and ‘queen’ and other ‘q’ using words because the Latin ‘q’ represented the Indo European /kʷ/ sound. There are many more co-articulated consonants but that will be reserved for another time.

    Vowels:

    The vowel chart is simpler than the consonant chart, this is due to there being less factors to a vowels sound.

    The vowel chart is very much like a graph with two axis. The x axis marks how forward or backward the tongue is when the sound is produced. Vowels to the left are front and you get back by going right. The grades of frontness are front, near-front, central, near-back and back. The y axis marks how opened or closed your mouth is when the sound is produced: the higher the vowel, the more close and the lower, the more open. The high-low distinction can also be used instead of the opened-closed one. The grades of openness are open, near-open, open-mid, mid, close-mid, near-close and close.

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

    IPA vowel chart.
    Source: Wikimedia Commons


    There is a third distinction that works in pairs, similar to the unvoiced-voiced pairs of the consonants. Vowels have rounded and unrounded pairing, this describes the state of your lips when you are saying the vowel. /i/ (as in the ‘i’ in Spanish) is unrounded, while /y/ (like the ’ü’ in German) is its rounded counterpart. Just try saying the vowel in ‘beach’ but with rounded lips (as when you say ‘o’).

    Vowels are named by roundedness, openness and frontness, in that order. Thus /u/ (like ‘u’ in Latin) would be a rounded close back vowel and /ə/ (like the ‘e’ in ‘je’ in French) would be an unrounded mid central vowel.

    You may have noticed a stark lack of English examples for introduced IPA symbols, but that’s because English is terribly complex on that level, rarely does an English letter and an IPA symbol agree. But, for English vowels, there is another reason why I have not complicated you: most of them are not a single vowel, they are two and thus diphthongs.

    Most English diphthongs delve from its ‘long’ vowels, such as the long a, i, o and u. They are /æɪ/, /ɑɪ/, /oʊ/ and /ɪʊ/ in long form respectively.

    Diphthongs are classified depending on what direction of openness they are going. For example, /æɪ / is made up of /æ/ (unrounded near-open front vowel) and /ɪ/ (unrounded near-close near-front vowel). So it goes from a near-open vowel to a near-close, thus it would be called a closing diphthong. /ua/ would be an opening diphthong because it goes from a close vowel /u/ to an open vowel /a/.
    They are represented by arrows on the chart:

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 


    Directions of /æɪ̯/ and /ua/ on the chart.


    Diphtongs of the English language.
    Source: Linköping University



    A thing that happens particularly in diphthongs is that many a times they are not diphthongs at all but a combination of a glide and a vowel. Glides, also known as semi-vowels, are sounds that hold the same properties of a vowel but do not function as syllable’s nucleus [2]. Notable examples would be /j/ and /w/ (the ‘y’ in ‘you’ and the ‘w’ in ‘would’). They function much like fricatives but without and turbulence in the airflow release. Thus in Spanish, diphthongs such ‘ai’ and ‘ua’ are /ai/ and /wa/ and so not truly diphthongs. There is of course much debate on what is what because even with my prior example of the English diphthong /æɪ/ there is some inaccuracy. The correct form would be /æɪ̯/, with the /ɪ/ carrying the non-syllabic marker, showing that it is not a true vowel. But that is the thing with the IPA and phonetics on the whole: nothing is ever exact or truly definite.

    When it comes to each symbol, each one only represents a theoretical articulation of the sound. Two people, no matter how close, will not pronounce the same sound the same. That is because no human is alike, our mouths and palates are of different shape and, as with a trumpet and a trombone, produce a different register of sounds.

    So when we say that a language has a /g/ we are saying that many sounds in that language fall within the area that /g/ covers and thus can be categorized as so. Same goes with vowels, because as the change from one vowel to another is gradual, there are infinite amounts of ‘e’s in between /i/ and /a/. It’s like the shades of purple between red and blue, some are purple, some not so purple and some are called purple or blue or red depending from who you ask.

    But this failure of exactitude is not solely a problem of the IPA, language is an ever changing being and is not constrained by any rules. It continually is changed by the speakers and the rules simply have to chance on after it; which is the reason why a Latin dictionary is very useless for French or Catalan or Romanian. So far in its very short life, the IPA serves fairly well, until, maybe, several thousand millennia in the future when us humans have evolved into things with very different sound producing tools then now. But we won’t know about that just yet.

    [1] pronounced identically as the English ‘fish’. That is, taking the sounds of the ‘gh’ in ‘laugh’, ‘o’ in ‘women’ and ‘ti’ from the ‘-tion’ suffix.
    [2] a syllable is made out of a nucleus (a vowel) and boundaries (consonant or glide).
    e.g. "cat" [kæt]. Nucleus, 'æ'; boundaries, 'k' and 't'.


    HeirofAlexander
    The Downfall of the Takeda Clan

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    The Downfall of the Takeda Clan


    The Takeda clan, as you might know, were among the most prominent and powerful families in fifteenth century feudal Japan. The land of the rising sun was in turmoil with smaller warlords, known as daimyo, controlled their own patches of land and quarreled with their neighbors for supremacy. During this period, the Takeda were allowed to rise high in the society, at some point they may have been the most influential of all the clans in Japan.

    The man commonly blamed for the sudden perish of the great clan is Takeda Katsuyori. His father was Takeda Shingen, who fathered him under queer circumstances during an early campaign in the province of Shinano. Katsuyori was what in Europe would be called baseborn, and was hushed away and put in a small castle to live with his mother and govern the land as a small lord. Shingen already had a son to continue his lineage.

    Over twenty years passed, however, and Katsuyori became a grown man. As did Shingen’s oldest son, Takeda Yoshinobu, and he was ambitious. Over decades of near constant warfare, the Takeda now controlled a large landmass and the loyalty of Shingen’s retainers is still today admired along with his skills not only in battle but also in administration. But suddenly, a plot designed by Yoshinobu, the son and heir, was discovered and his compatriots were ordered to commit seppuku, traditional suicide, or banished – as was Yoshinobu, who would spend the short remainder of his life confined to a temple in the hills of the Takeda province, Kai.

    So Shingen was heirless, and he called upon Katsuyori, who had previously taken the name of Suwa (though he was now restored to the Takeda name) and he was named to be heir, though interestingly he was only made to be warden of his own son, Nobukatsu (a child), who would rule the clan once he became sixteen years of age.

    Katsuyori Portrait


    The next years Katsuyori would follow Shingen on his new conquest, into the provinces Suruga and Sagami, where they fought the Hojo and Imagawa clans. Katsuyori reportedly proved himself well as the son of his father and in battle fought with great valor and “almost reckless bravery”. He was instrumental in many battles, where he would lead a cadre of samurai as befit his high birth. His greatest exploits had not been shown, however, as he would prove to be an event more shrewd commander in the following campaigns.

    It seems also that Katsuyori took up some followers and close friends during the years on the battlefields, among them his cousin, Takeda Nobutoyo, whom was his uncle Nobushige’s eldest son, and Atobe Katsusuke, a major strategist and commander in the army (at Nagashino a few years later he would command the largest contingent of heavy horse, at five hundred mounted samurai.)

    With the eastern borders partially subdued, the patriarch of the Takeda turned his eyes westwards – to the lands of Tokugawa Ieyasu and Oda Nobunaga. During the summer of 1572, they marched along the high royal road of Japan into the Totomi province, now the main province and home to the capital of the Tokugawa clan.

    While Shingen himself took the greater part of the host further into the region, he dispatched Katsuyori to take the fortress of Futamata. Futamata would prove quite a challenge for even the most seasoned commanders, as it lay on a cliff, with no real means to attack it, and starvation was futile, as the garrison had access to a river by way of a water tower complex, which allowed the defenders to gather water without being in peril. Katsuyori showed great tactical as well as logical brilliance as he ordered great wooden logs to be floated down the river, smashing into the water tower and ruining it. The citadel surrendered soon after.

    Katsuyori then rejoined with his father’s troops before the battle of Mikatagahara, where he would lead the cavalry detachment which gave the finishing assault to the Tokugawa samurai. The victory was not a complete one, as Shingen failed to take advantage of the retreating soldiers, but still it was a great day for the Takeda, and once again, Katsuyori was contributory.

    Sadly, soon after Shingen was mortally wounded or sickened at the siege of Noda alter that winter (the manner of his death is a subject of great debate which I will not endorse myself into here) and he died a month later at Komaba in Shinano. Now Takeda Katsuyori was head of the Takeda clan.

    The Oda and Tokugawa clans were thirsty to take vengeance for the defeats they suffered previously at the hands of the Takeda. With a new, young, warlord put in charge of the clan, they were eager to exploit the changes. Katsuyori, however, continued the raiding into their provinces, whilst sending a larger force of some twenty thousand men under the general Kosaka Masanobu to guard his rear from his father’s archenemy, Uesugi Kenshin, a rival daimyo.

    In addition, Katsuyori levied hundreds of workers to construct a huge fortress in the home region. This is considered the first mistake made by Katusyori during his reign as it was against so much his father had worked to build up over decades of governship. Shingen had been known to say “my people are my castles” and he preferred to fight his battles in the open, the Takeda way had always been to exploit their powerful cavalry charges. Commanding common men to work for him was also against the principles Shingen had worked hard to accommodate everyone. The commoners became weary of Katsuyori’s rule, they did not know him, neither had they heard of his victories or any reason he should order them.

    Another great mistake made by Katsuyori was the fact that he distanced himself from his chiefest retainers and generals. Takeda Shingen had always kept his generals closely and valued their opinions. Perhaps Katsuyori was trying to be his own man, to step out of the vast shadow of his father and make his own legacy, certainly his generals judged his every move and were suspicious as to who Katsuyori were compared to his father.

    Artwork for Nagashino


    His rule did not lack for his cunning in battle, however, even if he lacked some of his father’s administration. In 1584 Katsuyori besieged and successfully took the castle of Taketenjin from the Tokugawa, expanding his lands further. Katsuyori sought to isolate Tokugawa Ieyasu in his fortress, Hamamatsu, by taking all the castles lying between Nobunaga and Ieyasu. As Katsuyori set his eyes upon the castle Nagashino, Ieyasu addressed Nobunaga and both marched towards Katsuyori, combining their forces to stand against the young daimyo.

    Nobunaga had also brought with him about two thousand arquebusiers, or matchlock gunners. The new way of war Nobunaga had started was much the like shoot-and-pike tactics of Renaissance in Europe utilizing the long pikes of pikemen to defend the lightly armored gunners from close combat. In all, the joint forces of Oda and Tokugawa numbered forty thousand men, mostly foot soldiers.

    As Katsuyori saw the armies approaching him, his own force counting no more than fourteen thousand (two of which would be needed to mask the siege of Nagashino), he decided to attack the oncoming host. His generals and advisors plainly begged him to retreat instead, but in doing so the reputation his father had built over the years and his own leadership would have been greatly damaged. Should Katsuyori prevail in the battle, however, he would have the chance to dispose of both Tokugawa Ieyasu and Oda Nobunaga in one battle, which would leave their lands ripe for the taking.

    After the battle, Ieyasu reportedly commented:
    “…if he had taken up a position behind the Takigawa River he could have held us up for ten days anyhow, and we should have had to retire. Then he could have launched an attack on us, and ten to one it would have been successful. It is a pity he was such a fool.”

    The Takeda lost the battle, and several of the higher ranking generals as well (among them Baba Nobufusa, Sanada Nobutsuna, Naito Masatoyo, Yamagata Masakage and Takeda Nobuzane).

    Regardless of their great defeat, the Takeda would survive for another seven years. Though much land was lost, Katsuyori continued to trouble Ieyasu with raids and his warring with the Hojo clan also held on. The system of government his father had worked on for so long ran off course, and in addition (in 1581) Katsuyori moved the capital from the fortified mansion of Tsutujigasaki to the newly built castle Nirayama.

    In 1582, the castle Taketenjin had fallen to Ieyasu and a coalition of the Oda, Tokugawa and Hojo clans invaded Shinano and Kai territories. Most of Katsuyori’s retainers abandoned him in the hopeless situation, and during what would be known as the battle of Temmokuzan (between the alliance and the remainder of the Takeda forces) Katsuyori and his son, Nobukatsu (who, ironically, was about to turn sixteen), committed seppuku and the line of the Takeda was broken, their reputation tarnished.

    Yet today, Shingen is admired as a mastermind whom, had it not been for his untimely death at the height of his power, could have become shogun, leader of Japan. Katsuyori, however, would be remembered as the reason of the Takeda defeat, I, however, prefer to think of him as a young aspiring commander living in the shadow of his father and trying to be his own man, yet still lacking some of the skills necessary in governance and administration.


    Once again, I thank my excellent team of writers for their continued hard work in making The Helios what it is, and your support as a receptive and interested readership.

    After reading this edition, now would be an excellent time to pay a visit to one of the other TWC publications, which can be done by clicking on either of the images below.


    Last edited by Legio; February 20, 2013 at 07:56 AM. Reason: minor formatting

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  3. #3

    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Excellent articles. An awesome start for Heir of Alexander and Lyra
    Last edited by Inkie; February 19, 2013 at 08:58 PM.


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    Daily's Avatar Flingin' ma mace son
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    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Great issue guys!
    Proud patron of Confederate Jeb and FalconPilot
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    iWarsaw's Avatar Semisalis
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    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    I was giving it a scrim through then the "event of the year" depressed the hell out of me. Thanks.

  6. #6
    Diamat's Avatar VELUTI SI DEUS DARETUR
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    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Good job everyone!

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    mishkin's Avatar Dux Limitis
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    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    great everybody

  8. #8

    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Great Articles Guys

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    Shankbot de Bodemloze's Avatar From the Writers Study!
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    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Woo glad to see this out again guys, well done.

    Haven't read through it all yet, but I can't wait to finish it.
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    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Yay!

    Great work guys, a privelige to write with such a host of talented writers .

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  11. #11
    Y Brenin's Avatar Libertus
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    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Nice issue. Although I must say I was expecting an article on India Pale Ale, nevertheless as a linguist I was not disappointed.

  12. #12

    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Enjoy the article.
    + Rep

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  13. #13

    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Superb all of you

  14. #14
    Indefinitely Banned
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    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Very good well done every body

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    René Artois's Avatar Dux Limitis
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    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Dear lord a new helios
    Bitter is the wind tonight,
    it stirs up the white-waved sea.
    I do not fear the coursing of the Irish sea
    by the fierce warriors of Lothlind.

  16. #16
    Shankbot de Bodemloze's Avatar From the Writers Study!
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    Default Re: Helios 66 - A Glorious Thing

    Brilliant work on the articles, I can't pick a favourite.
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