Said, done - So: Were the killings of the up to 240.000 humans justified?
If debatting about the bombings, those agreeing say that there had been only two choices:
1. Use the A-Bombs
2. Invade Japan
They then make a basic comparrison about the estimated killings, and then conclude that the use of the a-bombs was justified and saved lives.
However, they often times neglect the fact that the a-bombs would have been used in the Invasion, too (source), and that if Japan didnīt surrender after the bombings (and several following) the Invasion would have been started.
However, many disagree with that being the only options America had:
"everyone was so intent on winning the war by military means that the introduction of political considerations was almost accidental" (John McCloy, The Challenge to American Foreign Policy, pg. 42)"
"while Allied leaders were immediately inclined to support all innovations however bold and novel in the strictly military sphere, they frowned upon similar innovations in the sphere of diplomatic and psychological warfare" (Ellis Zacharias, The A-Bomb Was Not Needed, United Nations World, Aug. 1949, pg. 29)"
"The choice in the summer of 1945 was not between a conventional invasion or a nuclear war. It was a choice between various forms of diplomacy and warfare." (Sherwin, pg. xxiv)."
Japan wanted to make a peace - That is an established fact, see these intercepted messages:
- July 11: "make clear to Russia... We have no intention of annexing or taking possession of the areas which we have been occupying as a result of the war; we hope to terminate the war".
- July 12: "it is His Majesty's heart's desire to see the swift termination of the war".
- July 13: "I sent Ando, Director of the Bureau of Political Affairs to communicate to the [Soviet] Ambassador that His Majesty desired to dispatch Prince Konoye as special envoy, carrying with him the personal letter of His Majesty stating the Imperial wish to end the war" (for above items, see: U.S. Dept. of State, Potsdam 1, pg. 873-879).
- July 18: "Negotiations... necessary... for soliciting Russia's good offices in concluding the war and also in improving the basis for negotiations with England and America." (Magic-Diplomatic Summary, 7/18/45, Records of the National Security Agency, Magic Files, RG 457, Box 18, National Archives).
- July 22: "Special Envoy Konoye's mission will be in obedience to the Imperial Will. He will request assistance in bringing about an end to the war through the good offices of the Soviet Government." The July 21st communication from Togo also noted that a conference between the Emperor's emissary, Prince Konoye, and the Soviet Union, was sought, in preparation for contacting the U.S. and Great Britain (Magic-Diplomatic Summary, 7/22/45, Records of the National Security Agency, Magic Files, RG 457, Box 18, National Archives).
- July 25: "it is impossible to accept unconditional surrender under any circumstances, but we should like to communicate to the other party through appropriate channels that we have no objection to a peace based on the Atlantic Charter." (U.S. Dept. of State, Potsdam 2, pg. 1260 - 1261).
- July 26: Japan's Ambassador to Moscow, Sato, to the Soviet Acting Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Lozovsky: "The aim of the Japanese Government with regard to Prince Konoye's mission is to enlist the good offices of the Soviet Government in order to end the war." (Magic-Diplomatic Summary, 7/26/45, Records of the National Security Agency, Magic Files, RG 457, Box 18, National Archives).
President Truman knew of the messages' content, noting, for instance, in his diary on July 18, "Stalin had told P.M. [Prime Minister Churchill] of telegram from Jap [sic] Emperor asking for peace" (Robert Ferrell, ed., Off the Record - the Private Papers of Harry S. Truman, pg. 53)
The Emperor requested at the meeting of the Big Six at June 22, 1945 that the peace should be sought through the soviet union (which is kind of ironic, in hindsight). The main problem was that Japans leader werenīt ready to accept an unconditional surrender.
But Why? The main point was the the fate of the emperor. The Emperor was believed to be a god by the Japanese. The dean of historians on Japan's surrender, Robert Butow, notes in regard to the military leaders in Japan's government, "To have acted against the express wishes of an Emperor whom they had unceasingly extolled as sacred and inviolable and around whom they had woven a fabric of individual loyalty and national unity would have been to destroy the very polity in perpetuation of which they had persistently declared they were fighting" (Butow, pg. 224). Or as War Minister Anami said after he agreed to surrender, "As a Japanese soldier, I must obey my Emperor" (Pacific War Research Society, JLD, pg. 87-88).
Only because of the emperors direct orders, against the personal wishes of many of the japanese leaders, peace could be achieved - even after the a-bombs. And that even with him having no juristical power to do this.
But unconditional surrender would still leave the central issue unanswered: would surrender allow Japan to retain the Emperor? Japan's Prime Minister Suzuki spelled out the problem of "unconditional surrender" when he publicly announced on June 9, 1945, "Should the Emperor system be abolished, they [the Japanese people] would lose all reason for existence. 'Unconditional surrender', therefore, means death to the hundred million: it leaves us no choice but to go on fighting to the last man." (Pacific War Research Society, DML, pg. 127; Butow, pg. 69(44n)).
"The one thing they could not do was sign a death warrant for the imperial house", and if it appeared that the Allies would take steps against the Emperor, "then even the most ardent advocates of peace would fall into step behind the [pro-war] fanatics" (Butow, pg. 141).
Even Foreign Minister Togo noted in a July 12, 1945 message to Sato, Japan's Ambassador to Moscow, "as long as America and England insist on unconditional surrender, our country has no alternative but to see it [the war] through in an all-out effort". The telegram was intercepted by the U.S., decoded, and sent to President Truman (U.S. Dept. of State, Potsdam 1, pg. 873, 875-876).
From this time on, if not earlier, the Allies knew that the throne was the primary issue for Japan. Some of Japans leaders still didnīt want to surrender, thats true, but even the a-bombs didnīt change this.
In the end the Emperor was allowed to stay in power, so why didnīt America just seek peace negotiations, allowing only one condition, the one condition Japan wanted, the one condition that was granted even after the "unconditional surrender" of Japan: To let the emperor live and reign?
It would have saved many lives, possibly it would even have ended the war faster (although this is only an assumption).
This third option, allowing peace and the same kind of surrender as the dropping of the atomic bombs resulted in, without all those lives costs - This would have been the way to go. This third option also annihilates the claim that the a-bombs were dropped in order to save lives, as it saves far more lives, and that without killing 240.000 humans.
/discuss