THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE ASHIKAGA
The common saying that the Kamakura Bakufu brought the entire country
under one administrative control requires modification. It was not
until Tokugawa days in the seventeenth century that the whole sixty
provinces passed under one feudal ruler. Still as between the
Kamakura Bakufu and the Muromachi, the latter, though its military
supremacy was less complete, may be said to have extended its
influence theoretically over the whole of the lands throughout the
empire except the Chokodo estates.
In another respect, also, the advantage lay with the Muromachi
shogunate. During the Kamakura era, the Court magnates continued to
despise the Bakufu adherents, and the distance between the capital
and Kamakura imparted to the latter an element of rusticity. But with
the establishment of the Muromachi shogunate a change took place. The
Bakufu, the visible repository of power, stood side by side with the
Court, and opportunities for close relations existed constantly.
Moreover, the Court nobles, notably antagonistic to the military
regime, followed the fortunes of the Southern dynasty, those alone
remaining in the capital who were on more or less intimate terms with
the military. Such were the Nijo, the Saionji, the Hino, and so
forth. These observed the behests of the Bakufu, sought to acquire
the latter's confidence, and always paid respect to the Hana no
Gosho, as the shogun was called. So close were the relations that for
ceremonial purposes at the Bakufu, it was customary to employ Court
officials, and witty writers of the time discourse amusingly on the
often clumsy efforts made by the courtiers to ape the customs and
acquire the dialects of the provincial soldiers.
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CENTRAL BAKUFU
The administrative power having been transferred from the Court to
the Bakufu, it may be said that the sei-i tai-shogun exercised
supreme authority throughout the empire. But the shogun himself did
not actually discharge administrative duties. That was done by the
kwanryo with the shogun's consent. Originally this official was
called shitsuji (manager), and his functions were to look after the
affairs of a provincial magnate's establishment. During the Kamakura
era, the Ashikaga family occupied a high place. Of Minamoto origin,
it was connected with the Hojo by marriage, and for generations its
shitsuji had been a member of the Ko family. Ashikaga Takauji
made Ko no Moronao his shitsuji, and a highly competent captain
he proved himself. Subsequently, in 1362, Shiba Yoshimasa was
appointed shitsuji, but soon his title was changed to kwanryo
(governor-general), and it thenceforth became customary for the
latter position to be occupied by a member of one of the three
families, Shiba, Hosokawa, and Hatakeyama, in succession.
Speaking broadly, the kwanryo corresponded to the skikken (regent) of
Kamakura days. But whereas, the Kamakura shikken exercised virtually
autocratic authority, the shogun being a minor, the Muromachi
kwanryo, nominally, at all events, was under the control of an adult
shogun. In fact, the kwanryo in the Muromachi polity resembled the
betto of the Man-dokoro in Yoritomo's time. For the rest, the
Muromachi Bakufu was organized on practically the same lines as its
Kamakura prototype. There was a Man-dokoro, a Monju-dokoro, and a
Samurai-dokoro, and the staff of these offices was taken originally,
as far as possible, from the families of men who had distinguished
themselves as legislators and administrators at Kamakura. There were
also officials called bugyo (commissioners) who directed the
enforcement of laws and ordinances. These commissioners numbered
thirty-six, and each had his own sphere of duties: as the shonin
bugyo, who controlled judicial affairs; the tosen bugyo, who dealt
with affairs of foreign trade; the jisha bugyo, who superintended
temples and shrines; the onsho bugyo, who had to do with official
rewards, etc.
ORGANIZATION OF PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS
At Kamakura, also, there was a kwanryo to guard the eastern provinces
(Kwanto). In Takauji's time, his second son, Motouji, was appointed
to this office, and it was thenceforth inherited for some
generations, the Uesugi family furnishing a shitsuji. Ultimately the
Kamakura kwanryo became a powerful military satrap, hostile to the
Muromachi shogun. The holder of the office then received the title of
kubo, and the hitherto shitsuji became kwanryo. In other respects the
Kamakura polity retained the form it had under Yoritomo: a Hyojo-shu
(Council), a Hikitsuke-shu, a Monju-dokoro, a Samurai-dokoro, and
various bugyo. In Kyushu and Dewa, the principal officer was called
shugo, that post being of special importance; while in the other
provinces shugo and jito (high constables and land-stewards)
continued to officiate as before.
The jurisdiction of these high constables--great military magnates or
relatives of the shogun--extended to two or more provinces, and the
shugo were then called kuni-mochi-shu (province-holder). A daimyo
(great name, i.e. feudal lord), in communicating with Muromachi, had
to make a kuni-mochi his medium. For the Kwanto and Shikoku, the
Hosokawa house was the kunimochi; for Shinano, Etchu, Echigo, and
Kaga, the Hatakeyama; for Ise, Kai, and Suruga, the Yamana; and for
Kyushu, the tandai. After the power of the tandai had declined, the
Ouchi family took its place. In the days of Yoshinori's shogunate,
there were twenty-two shugo in the country, and seven of them
administered three provinces or more, each. The provincial governors
appointed by the Southern Court disappeared, for the most part,
during the War of the Dynasties, and on the restoration of peace the
only one of these high officials that remained was Kitabatake of Ise.
SHUGO AND JITO
Originally appointed for administrative and fiscal purposes only, the
shugo said jito acquired titles of land-ownership from the beginning
of the Ashikaga era. To plunder and annex a neighbouring province
became thenceforth a common feat on the part of these officials. In
1390, tracts of land measuring from one-half of a province to two or
three provinces are found to have been converted from the shugo's
jurisdictional areas into military domains. Such magnates as Yamana
Tokiuji held from five to eleven provinces. These puissant captains
had castles and armies of their own. At first, they respected the
requisitions of the Bakufu. Thus, in 1463, when an elaborate Buddhist
ceremony had to be performed on the decease of Yoshimasa's mother, a
tax in the form of cotton cloth was levied from the shugo, a ruler of
three provinces contributing ten thousand pieces; a ruler of two
provinces, five thousand, and so on.*
*A "piece" was 40 feet, approximately. When the castle of Edo was
built in Tokugawa days--seventeenth century--each daimyo had to
contribute "aid" (otetsudai), after the Ashikaga custom.
But after the Onin War (1467-1469), military magnates resided wholly
on their own domains and paid no attention to requisitions from the
Bakufu. Further, these magnates compelled all jito and go-kenin
within their jurisdiction to serve as their vassals. Previously to
the Onin era the shugo had resided, for the most part, in Kyoto,
delegating the discharge of their provincial functions to deputies
(shugo-dai), chosen by the shugo and approved by the Bakufu.
Presently, the process of selection was dispensed with, and the
office became hereditary. Thus, Yusa of the Hatakeyama, Oda of the
Shiba, Uragami of the Akamatsu, and so forth are examples of deputies
who resided permanently in the provinces concerned and acquired
influence there superior even to that of their principals. The
deputies, in turn, had their vice-deputies (ko-shugo-dai), to whom
the name daikwan (another term for "deputy") was often given. These
daikwan were selected from among the members or vassals of a shugo's
family to act provisionally as shugo-dai. As for the jito, from the
middle of the Kamakura epoch their posts became mere sinecures, the
emoluments going to support their families, or being paid over to a
temple or shrine. Occasionally the office was sold or pawned. The
comparatively small areas of land within which the jito officiated
soon came to be recognized as their private domains, but after the
Onin commotion this system underwent a change, the jito becoming
vassals of the shugo. Many, however, held their original position
until the middle of the sixteenth century. In the days of Toyotomi
Hideyoshi and Oda Nobunaga--namely, the second half of the sixteenth
century--the name jito was given to the headman of a village or
district, who served as the immediate representative of authority.
FINANCE
Cultivated land (koden) was the great source of official revenue. The
area under rice--the principal staple of production--in the middle of
the fifteenth century was about a million of cho,* or two and a half
million acres; and this was owned by the Court, the Court nobles, the
military magnates, the temples, and the shrines. From an uncertain
date, but probably the close of the Kamakura Bakufu, the area of a
domain ceased to be calculated in terms of cho and tan and was
expressed in kwan (one thousand cash, or mori). The use of the
kwanior this purpose had reference to the military service leviable
upon the land. Thus, when land of one hundred kwan-mon was mentioned,
an area capable of supporting military service valued at one hundred
kwan-mon was understood. The calculation was very simple: one tsubo
corresponded to one mon, so that one kwan-mon represented one
thousand tsubo for the purposes of this assessment.**
*The cho was equal to 10 tan, and the tan comprised 360 tsubo, the
tsubo being a square of 6 feet side. At present the area under
cultivation is some 3 millions of cho (7.5 millions of acres).
**In the Ashikaga era the unit of currency may be said to have been
the copper cash of China--called Eiraku-sen after the name (Chinese,
Yunglo) of the Chinese year period when it was issued. Gold and
silver coins were also in use; namely, the gold ryo, which was
equivalent to 10 silver ryo; but their circulation was comparatively
small. The gold ryo was equal to 2000 mon of copper coins, and as 100
mon purchased 1 to (one-tenth part of a koku) of rice, it follows
that the gold ryo represented 2 koku, or 30 yen of modern currency,
the silver ryo representing 3 yen (1 yen=2 shillings-50 cents). It
follows also that 10 strings of cash (one kwan) were worth a koku of
rice, or 15 yen. As for silk piece-goods, 1 roll (hiki = 48 yards) of
the best kind was worth 45 yen, and the second and third-class kinds
ranged from 33 to 22.5 yen. Finally, in the year 1498, the records
show that the daily wage of a labourer was some 16 sen of modern
money (about 4 pence or 8 cents).
From various documents it appears that the three grades of
land--best, medium, and inferior--were taxed at the rate of sixty,
forty, and thirty per cent., respectively, of the yield. In other
words, the average land-tax was forty per cent, of the yield--called
shi-ko roku-min--or four parts to the Government and six to the
farmer. If we consider the rates between the current price of land
and the tax, there is a record, dated 1418, which shows that the tax
levied by a temple--Myoko-ji--was twenty per cent, of the market
price of the land. But it would seem that the ratio in the case of
Government taxation was much smaller, being only one and a half per
cent, of the market value. There were, however, other imposts, which,
though not accurately stated, must have brought the land-tax to much
more than forty per cent, of the yield.
Turning to the Imperial Court, we find it supported by domains
hereditarily held; by contributions from the seizei (expediency
taxes, that is to say, taxes set aside for extraordinary State
requirements); by occasional presents, and by revenues from kugoden
(private Imperial land). The Court nobles had their own domains,
usually small. All these estates, those of the Crown, of princes, and
of Court nobles, were subject to a system called hansai. That is to
say, one-half of their revenues were leviable for military purposes.
Originally this impost was understood to be a loan to the Bakufu, but
ultimately it came to be regarded as a normal levy, though its
practical effect was to reduce the revenue from such domains by
one-half. Moreover, as the arrogance of the military magnates in the
provinces grew more insistent, and as the Bakufu's ability to oppose
them became less effective, the domain of the Court nobles suffered
frequent encroachments.
REVENUES OF THE BAKUFU
One source of revenue for the Bakufu was its domains in various
places; another was the buke-yaku, or military-house dues. These were
at first two per cent, of the land-tax of the house concerned, but
afterwards they increased to five per cent. Thus an estate paying one
hundred koku in the form of land-tax, had to pay a further five koku
as buke-yaku, the latter proceeds being sent to Kyoto for the use of
the shogun's household. Another important levy was the tansen, which,
as its name implies, was a land-rate levied at so much per tan
(one-quarter of an acre), the proceeds being devoted to special
purposes, as, for example, to defray the cost of grand ceremonials or
of new edifices. The records show one payment of tansen which works
out at fifty mon per tan. Another document indicates that the monthly
expenses of the Man-dokoro were some sixty kwanmon and that they were
defrayed by levying taxes upon pawnbrokers and sake-dealers in Kyoto
and in Omi province. The latter tax (shuko-zei) is shown to have
been, on one occasion, two kwan eight hundred mon per house. The
Bakufu collected dues on foreign commerce, also, and miscellaneous
imposts of an irregular character made no small addition to its
income.
REVENUE OF SHRINES AND TEMPLES
Temples and shrines derived part of their income from port-dues and
barrier-tolls. Thus, the Hachiman temple of Iwashimizu received tolls
from all traffic passing the Yamazaki barrier; Kofuku-ji levied
duties on vessels entering Hyogo port, and Engaku-ji of Kamakura
collected tolls at the Hakone barrier (sekisho). Such taxes proving
very prolific and easy to levy, the number of barriers increased
rapidly, to the no small obstruction of trade and travel. Further,
the priests were constantly enriched with donations of land and
money, in addition to the rents and taxes obtained from their own
domains, and thus it resulted that several of the great monasteries
possessed much wealth. To that fact is to be attributed the numerous
establishments of soldier-priests maintained at Enryaku-ji, on
Hiei-zan, and at Kofuku-ji, in Nara. To that also is to be ascribed
in part the signal development of literature among the friars, and
the influence wielded by the Shinto officials of Kitano and the betto
of Hachiman.
REVENUE OF JITO
A special tax levied by the jito was the hyakusho-yaku, or farmers'
dues. These were one per cent, of the land-tax originally, but the
rate was subsequently doubled. Other heavy imposts were frequently
and arbitrarily enacted, and there can be no doubt that financial
disorder contributed materially to bringing about the terrible
calamities of the Battle era (Sengoku Jidai), as the period of eleven
decades ending in 1600 is called. For, if the fiscal system was thus
defective during the comparatively prosperous age of the Ashikaga, it
fell into measureless confusion at a later date. It has been stated
above that the area under rice cultivation at the middle of the
fifteenth century was about one million did; at the close of that
century the figure was found to have decreased by more than fifty
thousands of cho. From such a result, opposed as it is to all records
of normal development, the unhappy plight of the agricultural classes
may be inferred.
TOKENS OF CURRENCY
Minting operations also were discontinued under the Ashikaga. Cotton
cloth and rice served as principal media of exchange. Fortunately,
commerce with China in the days of the Ming rulers, and Yoshimasa's
undignified though practical requests, brought a large supply of
Yunglo (Japanese, Eiraku) copper cash, which, with other Chinese
coins of the Tang and Sung dynasties, served the Japanese as media.
This fortuitous element was conspicuous in all the domain of finance,
especially after the Onin War, when the territorial magnates fixed
the taxes at their own convenience and without any thought of
uniformity. One of the only sincere and statesmanlike efforts of
reform was made, in 1491, by Hojo Soun. He reduced the rate then
ruling, namely, equal parts to the tax-collector and to the taxpayer,
and made it forty per cent, to the former and sixty to the latter,
and he ordained that any jito collecting so much as a mon in excess
of the official figure, should be severely punished. How the people
fared elsewhere it is not possible to say accurately, but the records
show that extraordinary imposts were levied frequently, and that the
tansen was exacted again and again, as also were taxes on trades. As
for the Imperial household, such was its condition that it barely
subsisted on presents made by certain military magnates, so complete
was the decentralization of the empire in this period.
"Han" Income Of Japan's Proviencs in 1500's
Life = Like a beanstalk
Posting Permissions
Reply With Quote
