Medieval Roman (byzantine) videos...

[AnthoniusII]

Something extraordinary.
Constantinople in 1200AD.

[SpyrosM91]

The fact that Tyrian Purple is so expensive and rare, makes me wonder why I see common Byzantine soldiers walking around with it in Stainless Steel.

Purple may be the color of Royalty, which you are correct, however Red/Yellow is the color of their military. Hell, even green/blue/orange. I see these colors on Byzantine soldier art and references. Never do I see a touch of purple on any common lowly soldiers.

That's why Vanilla M2TW Byzantine made me gag when I saw them, common soldiers all in purple like it was some standard cheap color for them. They are ROMANS, The Roman Freaking Empire, not some knockoff sub division of the western empire.

Various Soldier Pictures

Purple is not a commoners color. You would only ever see it on Royalty, or people of VERY high prestige.

I'm not so sure about this...of course, detailed dyed clothes (of all kinds) were expensive, but see this below: i have put it to the Google translate and then made a few corrections... It's a big text (and probably a little dificult to understand) but i have stressed the important parts.


From the Greek Thesis "Imperial Estates, Imperial Ergodosia. About the Supplying and the Provisioning of the Sacred Palace (9th - 11th c.)" of Maria Gerolymatou


[...]

So, according to Porphyrogennitos, the Eidikos (Logothete of the Special [Fisc]) received from the dormitory, the private apartments of the emperor (117) , on the eve of departure of the latter: garments on the market by the tax dekalia, ennalia, oktalia, eptalia, exalia, lorota silken Egyptian' true enthadia. These things always were for sending them to the foreigners. Garments on the market by the tax errammena dischista maniacata, dekalia, ennalia, oktalia, eptalia, freeboard, lorota Aigyptika118 silk. This information is confirmed by the "Book of Ceremonies" (119). In another passage the same treatise Constantine refers to garments roorizontan for officers: trivlattia garments for generals, divlattia for tourmarches, the generals of the smaller, so-called Armenian issues (120) and kleisourarches and plain clothes for junior officers (Counts of cohort and divisions), as for tourmarches of Armenian themes. The divisions and other junior officers of the Armenian themes were a simple dekalio robe from the "purchased by the tax" (121). From these two excerpts show that some of the garments assembled Eidikos and were "purchased by the tax". This information is confirmed by an Order of the Provincial Book, which prohibits both the rulers, and ordinary individuals to construct some clothes: robe or exapolon or oktapolon porfyraeron, Lean except for dekapolon dodekapolon and this olithinaeron and leptozilon aparf from those pre-ordered by the Eparch for the Eidikos (122). So, according to the passage of the Provincial Book, it was forbidden to the Sirikarioi (Silk manufacturers) as also to the Masters of the Ergodosia, the sawing of exapolon and octapolon porfyraerion himation (clothes), all except those that were solicited by the Eparch for the Eidikos (and subsequnetly for the emperor), which of course could not be marketed. In contrast, it was allowed the construction and dekapolon dodekapolon provided that they were alithinaera and leptozila (123). These dekapola are probably identical with dekalia included in imperial luggage and intended for the Comes of the Cohorts, the Merarches and tourmarches of Armenian Themes.

[...]

But what were the "ta ek ton kat' oikous endymata" (clothes from the Houses)? Of cource they were those that were commonly referred to, under the general designation, kekolymena (forbbiden). Already in the third century AD, the purple cloak was dominant feature of imperial status, but was not generally prohibited for use of purple by individuals. On the mantle (chlamys) were added gradually and other parts of the imperial clothing, such as the purple shoes. Legislation of Theodosius II expanded the ban to other types of garments that were dyed with purple and defined explicitly by law (129). At this point should be clarified that the term "porfyra" (purple) does not refer to a particular color, but in a kind of dye extracted from a particular type of shells. The choice of color was free and seems to have followed various trends that were certainly changing in time (130). The imperial privilege, was the kind of paint - from Porphyra - that was used in a cloth and not the color itself (131).
The garments that were reserved for the emperor and his immediate environment and that their movement was restricted, were manufactured in imperial workshops, called "ergodosia". The Eidikos (132) had jurisdiction over these and these were run by the "Archontes ton Ergodosion" (Masters of the Ergodosia) (133).
[...]



Sources

129. G. STEIGERWALD, Das kaiserliche Purpurprivileg in spätrömischer und frühbyzantinischer Zeit, Jahrbuch zur Antike und Christentum 33, 1990, 209-239 and especially 232-235, 238.

130. It has been observed that eg.the 8th and 9th century were dominated by multi-colored clothes with an emphasis on bright colors, while the 10th and 11th centuries. begins, along with multi-colored, the appearance and the monochrome: Anna MUTHESIUS, Essential Processes, Looms, and Technical Aspects of the Production of Silk Textiles, in Angeliki LAIOU (ed.), The Economic History of Byzantium from the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC 2002, vol 1, 158.

131. MUTHESIUS, Essential Processes, 160. This explains the fact that in vaults in the West are to be found fabric, dyed, supposedly with "Porfyra", which, however, the analysis of color showed that the dye was a mixture Indigotine (commonly known as Indigo) and the dyeing plant erythrodanou (commonly madder). For the different dyes, which are an important determinant of the value of silk, See JACOBY, Silk Economics, 209-211.

132. OIKONOMIDÈS, Listes, 123.8 and 317.

133. OIKONOMIDÈS, Listes, 123.10.

[mynameisowen]

Something extraordinary.
Constantinople in 1200AD.

Great video.

Also of interest was the video you posted before. I'm no expert on languages but I'm guessing the word Θεός (pronounced similar to deus) means god? I speak Spanish and the word for god is dios. It's quite obvious that the Latin language was based on Greek and some of the similarities are still there! Any language people want to clarify or anything??

[SpyrosM91]

Great video.

Also of interest was the video you posted before. I'm no expert on languages but I'm guessing the word Θεός (pronounced similar to deus) means god? I speak Spanish and the word for god is dios. It's quite obvious that the Latin language was based on Greek and some of the similarities are still there! Any language people want to clarify or anything??

yes, it means God....and it is pronounced as Theos - or "Ce'os" if you speak spanish...
1) the c is the Spanish "soft c" (from Spain... NOT from Latin America....)...like in the word "cielo..."
2) the words is stressed in the letter "o"...in the final syllable....

[mynameisowen]

yes, it means God....and it is pronounced as Theos - or "Ce'os" if you speak spanish...
1) the c is the Spanish "soft c" (from Spain... NOT from Latin America....)...like in the word "cielo..."
2) the words is stressed in the letter "o"...in the final syllable....

Thanks

[NikeBG]

It's quite obvious that the Latin language was based on Greek and some of the similarities are still there! Any language people want to clarify or anything??

More likely a common Indo-European heritage, close f.e. to the Iranic dievas (and even the modern Gypsy devla is of the same IE origin, though it has obviously taken another path, compared to the Greko-Latin example).

[AnthoniusII]

Byzantine 1200 Chanel videos.

Hippodrome

Marble Tower

Theodosian's Port

Agia Sophia atrium.

Chora Monastery

[neoptolemos]

It is not a Byzantine video but the track is called Byzantine meditation and marks the summer in Greece enjoy fans!

[Geoffrey of Villehardouin]

Battle of Sirmium, 1167 AD

Two videoclips made with FRAPS with the CBUR units from Chivalry II - the Sicilian Vespers. They are an interpretation of how the battle went within the limits of what is possible with M2TW (e.g only about a third of the numbers of combatants actually involved).

Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

Below are translations of relevant passages from the histories of Niketas Choniates and Ioannes Kinnamos.

Niketas Choniates

The generals at the war council in Sardica [modern Sofia] considered whether the emperor himself ought to lead the campaign but the opinion prevailed that the emperor should remain in Sardica and the campaign should be led by some among the generals. The future of this war was uncertain and a defeat would hurt the emperor’s image. On the other hand, should there be victory, it would only be the more remarkable by the fact that the emperor was not even present in the battle. It was decided that the general in overall command should be the Imperial Admiral and Great Duke [Megas Doux], Andronicos Kontostephanos.

Then, before the assembly of the generals was disbanded, the emperor recommended to Kontostephanos, not only the tactical methods for the conduct of the battle but also of the right time of the attack, the type of armament and the battle formations. He roused the vice-generals and the cavalry commanders and all other officers to battle, bringing to their memory not only former triumphs in battle but also urging them to consider what might the future bring should this war be lost. Finally he commended them to God and told them it would be a glory to himself should they return with trophies of war and that should they prevail in battle, they would be handsomely rewarded.

Then the king commended the army to the guidance of our Saviour. And Andronicos, in his charge as a commanding general, departed with the entire army, crossing the Sava and the Danube till at last he came to Sirmium.

The Paeonians [Hungarians] were not daunted by the arrival of the Roman army, rather they gathered their own cavalry and an allied army made up of their neighbouring nations [possibly Szekely, Slav,etc] including allegendly some Germans under a general named Dionysius [Denes, Count of Bacs], a brave man who had previously achieved several victories in battle. This Dionysius, as soon as he heard that a Roman army had crossed the Danube, emboldened by his previous victories over the Romans, proclaimed that he would make a trophy in the form of a pillar from the bones of the dead Romans as he had done before, when he had defeated Branas and Gabras in battle.

So on the day of the feast of Procopius the martyr, Konstostephanos deployed his army for battle. After putting on his armour, he ordered everyone to do the same and each one went to take charge of their own formation and to prepare for battle. And he took himself command of the main phalanx front and appointed Andronicos Lampardas in command of the right wing and other commanders in charge of the left wing. He also placed a second line of auxiliary phalanx formations behind the first at the two wings, so that they might aid those in front should they waver in the course of battle.

Just as the army was ready for battle, there arrived a messenger bringing a letter from the emperor instructing that the battle should be postponed for a more propitious day [presumably a recommendation from an astrologer]. The general put the message under his arm and said nothing to the other officers, neither what the message was nor what the plan shall be, rather wisely he began to deal with other matters. In this way the day passed as it might have been a fateful day, baneful for joining battle. For the wisdom of God is written even upon the stars and astrologers claim they can read the decision of God in their positions and movements as if from a book on a desk.

Finally, on the morning of the appointed day for the battle, Kontostephanos gave a speech saying “Romans, remember your renown in battle and consider no glory or fortune impossible. We are not alone mortals nor is our foe made of iron. They are not dressed in steel and we naked. Nor are they well trained and we retired from war. Rather we have the same armament and moreover a better education, we have a long experience and superior strategic and tactical methods in the conduct of battle. We have prevailed against them before. So men, soldiers, remember your sons and fellow countrymen. See that the deep flowing Danube will carry in his swirling waves the cries of our foe through the lands he passes through, announcing everywhere the Paeonians’ defeat and the victory of the Romans”. (speech abridged)

Having spoken so, the general led the army onto a wide and open plain. Dionysius in response brought out his own men from the camp, joyfully, clapping and happy, as if he had come not to a battle but to a game. As if not knowing what to do, he did not divide his army into a left and right wing, nor into cavalry and infantry but he spread his army into a single formation mixing the cavalry with the infantry along the entire front, as if driven by raw contempt for his foe.

He raised, too, a flag on a high mast on a cart drawn by four bulls. This army made a frightening sight, difficult to countenance, with horsemen armed with lances all along the front. Nor were the soldiers alone heavily armoured and expensively arrayed but even the horses’ heads were crowned and covered with armour, as was their sternum (chest) to protect them from missiles. And the neighing of the horses and the shine of the armour against the sun, as the two armies were drawn up one against the other, made the sight even more impressive and caused fear and wonder.

The day being at noon, the time was now right to join battle. Kontostephanos, leaving the wings watchful of the foe on either side, ordered the mounted archers [hippotoxotae] to come forward and engage the enemy. The general’s plan was to shake and disrupt the continuity of the enemy spear formations. The two armies clashed shield to shield, head to head, spear to spear and horse against horse, in the Homeric fashion. There was a terrifying battle, devouring the men, and the two armies rippled as waves, moving like a dragonsnake rattling its scales.

Dionysius charged like an unmoving wall Kontostephanos and the men in his command, with lances outstretched. As soon as the Romans received his attack there where strikes and couterstrikes with spears as the warriors sparred at each other and pushed and heaved. The lances or spears were soon broken and the men on the two sides drew out their swords and fell upon each other. But they too were eventually blunted, smoten as they were against the copper and iron panoplies, and the Paeonians [Hungarians] were convinced that the Romans had no other means to resist any further charges. Yet the Romans drew out their iron maces, which they always carried with them. With these they could strike deadly blows at the faces and heads of their foe. Those among the Paeonians who were dazed by these blows withdrew to the rear. Many received serious wounds and once that continuous army formation was finally broken, there was none among the Romans who did not overcome an adversary to gain a battle trophy or who did not take possession of a horse after vanquishing its rider.

The day was full and the trumpet was calling the end of the battle when the flag came down from the chariot of Dionysius. So were the Paeonians defeated.

Ioannes Kinnamos

The emperor sent several Roman generals against the Hungarians who had come to Sirmium and appointed in overall command his nephew Andronicos Kontostephanos. He sent to him instructions as to how he should deploy his army and how he should fight this battle, inscribed on a tablet.

Kontostephanos, after crossing the river Sava, having come near the Hungarian camp, did the following. He sent scouts to spy upon the enemy camp, to gain the best possible knowledge about their army. They were also under orders to attempt to take prisoner some among the Hungarian soldiers. The scouts indeed returned with one such captive and he was questioned by Kontostephanos about the force the Hungarians had near Sirmium and what their plans might be.

“There are 37 generals commanding this army” said the prisoner, “and Dionysius [Denes, Count of Bacs] is in overall command. The army numbers 15,000 in total, made up of heavily armoured horsemen, archers and peltasts. They are in great spirits, in the knowledge this would not be the first time they will have defeated the Romans”.

“There are 37 generals commanding this army” said the prisoner, “and Dionysius [Denes, Count of Bacs] is in overall command".

Kontostephanos sent back the captive with this message, that the emperor will not tolerate their transgression against the Romans and soon will deliver upon them his judgement.

Kontostephanos ordered the army out of the camp and marched to battle in this fashion: The Skythikon and most of the Persian cavalry [Turks] were placed at the front, accompanied by lancers with directions to only engage the enemy in the briefest fashion. Next, on either wing there was a phalanx [foot spearmen], on one side under the command of Kokkobasileios and Philokales and on the other side under Taticius, the so called Aspietes. The cavalry itself was followed by yet more infantry together with archers and a phalanx of Persian spearmen with shields. Next, on either side were four generals: Joseph Bryennius, Georgios Branas, his brother Demetrius Branas, and Constantinos Aspietes a well-respected man. Next followed the Chartoularios Andronicos Lampardas with the elite Roman and German units and some Persians [presumably Turkish mounted archers]. Next was Andronicos Kontostephanos with men of the greatest renown, the Imperial guard and a body of Italian mercenaries. Behind them was a body of Serb spearmen with long shields. In this manner the Romans marched to battle. When they arrived at the place where Dionysius had made a tomb, they dismounted and gave an oath that they are ready to die for their people and for their families.

Deployment of the Byzantine phalanx with menavlati (pikemen) in front and kontarati (spearmen) behind with missile and other reserve troops to their rear.


Andronicos Lampardas commanded the right wing and was additionally charged with the elite Roman, German and Persian (Turkish) cavalry.


On the left were the battalions of Kokkobasileios, Philokales, Demetrios and Georgios Branas and Taticius Aspietes.


At the centre, behind the main phalanx front, was Andronicos Kontostephanos accompanied by men of the greatest renown, the Imperial guard and a body of Italian mercenaries. Behind them was a body of Serb spearmen with long shields.

Seeing the approaching Romans, Dionysius was overtaken with boldness and with a sense of irony ordered his men to drink to the health of the Romans, then deploy for battle. The Hungarians having drunk so, rushed into battle, deployed as it was usual for them. At the front were placed the most heavily armoured, as was their custom, and their army was stretched along the length of the front.

The Hungarian army made a frightening sight, difficult to countenance, with horsemen armed with lances all along the front. Nor were the soldiers alone heavily armoured and expensively arrayed but even the horses’ heads were crowned and covered with armour, as was their sternum to protect them from missiles.


Kontostephanos, leaving the wings watchful of the foe on either side, ordered the mounted archers [hippotoxotae] to come forward and engage the enemy.

Once the two armies had come close to each other, Kontostephanos ordered the archers of the battalions at the front to take aim at the Hungarians. When the Hungarians counterattacked, the mounted archers had instructions to withdraw not so much to the rear but to the sides, so that the Hungarians, in chasing after them, might split their forces and open up a gap in the centre of their formation. But the mounted archers when counterattacked turned and fled instead directly to the rear and towards the river Sava. The Hungarians then fell upon the main battle line.

The Roman mounted archers when counterattacked turned and fled instead directly to the rear and towards the river Sava (here a Pecheneg warrior in Hungarian service among the mounted Byzantine javelinners retreating behind their lines).

On the left, two battalions held up, those under Kokkobasileios and Taticius, while the others retreated. Demetrius Branas was left with only 80 of his companions but fought on heroically until he was seriously injured in the face and fell and was taken prisoner. His brother Georgios retreated, unable to resist the more numerous opponents. But as the left wing was retreating, the right wing defeated decisively the Hungarians on that side.

The two armies clashed shield to shield, head to head, spear to spear and horse against horse, in the Homeric fashion. There was a terrifying battle, devouring the men.

Dionysius seeing this, resolved to attack Kontostephanos but many among his horsemen were overtaken with fear and wished to turn back. Dionysius rebuked them for their cowardice and urged them to stay in place at least, so that the Romans may not perceive their weakened resolve.

Dionysius then moved towards Andronicos Kontostephanos when Andronicos Lampardas, not daunted by the large host of Dionysius fell upon him and there was a great crash, as lances broke against shields and fell to the ground. Yet, though Georgios Branas came with his battalion to aid Lampardas, the right wing began to waver.

Seeing that should those under Lampardas be defeated he shall have to fight the battle on his own, Kontostephanos surged up with the men in his command [the Imperial Guard, Italian mercenaries and the Serb spearmen]. There was a great clash and at first 80 Romans fell but many more were slain among the Hungarians. The Romans fought with unseen courage and superior discipline until at last their adversaries were overcome. With their spears being already broken and their swords blunted, the warriors resorted to their maces and there was such a murderous fight that the plain was covered with the dead.

Finally the flag of Dionysius that had been raised high above his army came down from its mast. The horse and armour of Dionysius were captured, though he himself escaped. Some of the fleeing Hungarians were taken prisoner when they retreated towards the river where the Roman ships were - namely five generals, those they call zupans, and eight hundred men, many among them having fought well and being of some renown. Many thousands fell in the field of battle. Nor was there any among the Romans who did not gain some trophy, not least Ioannes Kontostephanos [brother of the commanding general and a general himself who must have fought in the battle] and Andronicos Lampardas. As night was falling, the Romans retreated to their camp, taking with them the prisoners and two thousand breastplates and such a number of helmets, shields and swords that no one might be able to count. So they camped that night and the following morning they armed themselves again and marched to the Hungarian camp. But it was found deserted and was plundered. So came the war against the Hungarians to an end.

Anthonius has written a desription of the Battle of Sirmium.

[AnthoniusII]

This is a very good video!
Congratulations my friend !

[neoptolemos]

Great video +rep

[neoptolemos]

Ever wonder about Roman costumes like the ones cantors had?