Quote:
Timeline [edit]
See also: List of Soldier Empeors
* 235: Death of the Emperor Severus Alexander, so the end of the Severerdynastie; government beginning of the first emperor Maximinus Thrax soldiers.
* 238: Six Emperors and the beginning of the attacks of Skythai (Goths and other Germanic tribes in the Danube region and the Black Sea).
* 244: Unsuccessful Persian campaign of Emperor Gordian III. ; Defeat of the Romans in the Battle of Mesiche and death of the Emperor.
* 257: the beginning of the persecution of Valerian, which ends only 260th
* 259/60: Successful raids on Roman territory of the Alemanni. A group Juthungen is hit), but on their return march of Roman troops at current levels Augsburg (Augsburg wins altar.
* 260: capture of Valerian by the Sassanian and the crisis in the period following the climax. In the 60 years formed part of the kingdom of Palmyra and the special Gallic Empire.
* 267: pillaging the Heruli and other German tribes in the Aegean Sea. Among other things, Athens will be devastated.
* 268/69: The Romans succeed in victories over the Alamanni and Goths.
* 270: Aurelian was proclaimed emperor. He succeeds in the years to incorporate both Palmyra, as well as the Gallic Empire Special back in the Empire. Dacia is the emperor on the other hand, due to the unfavorable strategic position.
* 285: Emperor Carinus falls victim to a conspiracy. The end of 284, proclaimed emperor Diocletian acquired the sole officer and is seeking major reforms to the Empire.
Characteristics of the epoch [edit]
As in the second half of the 4th Century Roman historian of the history of the 3rd Century, described it, was unanimous in its verdict is negative. Especially critical was considered the time of Emperor Valerian and Gallienus. Eutropius called them even as the time when "the Roman Empire was almost destroyed." [66] Not much different expressed Aurelius Victor and the anonymous author of the Historia Augusta. In the Senate's history, the events have in the middle of the 3rd Century, when the Empire had to fight effectively at all borders and in the interior parts of the empire are detaching and numerous usurpers challenged the ruling emperor left deep traces. The predominantly negative image of the earlier research by the conditions in the 3rd Century drew, is it also due in no small part on valuations in the sources. The judge, however sophisticated and modern research has revised several previously dominant views. [67]
One characteristic of the "kingdom of crisis" is the often rapid change of rulers. [68] Although raised even among the Severern also in late antiquity and again usurpers, but in contrast to the imperial soldiers in these periods, the rebellions were usually unsuccessful. Another feature of the imperial crisis period is that many emperors came not of the senatorial elite. Often the soldiers Emperor pure military, relatively uneducated and of low birth. A striking example of this is the first of them, Maximinus, whose seizure of power, therefore, very excited offense and thus constituted a caesura. However, this rendered the Emperor in the circumstances quite remarkable. That the Senate has been increasingly marginalized, and many emperors put little value on a good relationship with him, but was noted by historians, belonged to the senatorial districts mostly negative. The Senate played in governance now finally no longer important and also the acceptance of the Principate system finally collapsed. [33], however, has suffered as well as the stability of imperial rule as a whole. For the period of military emperors of an institutional crisis is to identify who (contrary to some of the Emperor by a religious foundation of their rule as Aurelian's sun-worship) or by division of power trying to work that could be overcome only in time, Diocletian and Constantine. [69] All the soldier have in common is that they needed their power and relied on the military to legitimize their rule and protection of military successes; a single type of an emperor's soldiers are not there, especially since the emperor was not raised by some troops, but their Herrschaftsantritt a dynastic succession owed. [70]
Another feature of the era is the dramatic deterioration of the external threat. It resulted largely due to a significant strengthening of the internal enemy. The Rhine and Danube had formed a new tribal Germanic major units that possessed a much greater clout. In the East, appeared with the Sāsānidenreich an opponent of Rome was in many respects, quite equal and implemented an aggressive expansion policy. Was accepted by the middle of the 3rd Century, the pressure at the borders, and the kingdom was forced to absorb a series of setbacks. The capture of Valerian by the Persians in 260 and the subsequent events (Skythai and increasing attacks by the formation of the Gallic Empire and part of the kingdom of Palmyra) for bringing the crisis to its climax. But this crisis is not covered all areas of daily life and also had an effect, not all regions of the empire.
Was (in particular, despite the military and political crisis symptoms in the aftermath of Gordian III. And then, at 260), whose main source of external threat, the economy of the kingdom seems to have asserted himself more than was often supposed. In the earlier research has sometimes assumed that in the 3rd Century entire impoverished provinces, the infrastructure collapsed and the pressure on the population of the state has been steadily higher so that the increased impoverishment of people and fled from towns and villages. Barter or barter had taken the place of the money economy. [71] In the new research will be judged much more varied: While leading the distress caused by the increased external financing needs of the state in areas such as the coinage to a deterioration, and the tax pressure increased. But the tax pressure was dangerously after the failure of the monetary reform of Aurelian to a structural problem for the Roman state, as only in this period, inflation rose, is 270 years before such but not identifiable, such as the evaluation of the source material in Egypt ( where the tradition concerning the everyday life and the economy is best), makes clear. [72] Whether for the 3rd Century, a decline in population can be established, as researchers is now also controversial. [73]
The same applies to the question of whether slavery has played in the Roman economy this time, the role ascribed to it in the earlier research, and whether there was a decrease of the slaves and thus come to an economic crisis, as is sometimes assumed. In the sources, this can not correctly situated, as it is questionable whether the productivity of slaves was higher than half-free or free and whether a decline of slavery to the economy had been damaging. [74] Certainly, however, increased the burden on the population, including being decurions () local urban elites, but had particularly affected the lower strata of the population, but even this can not be based on generalizing the whole country, especially the living conditions are not were consistent. Although the structural integrity of the economy suffered from the military conflicts of this time, as the inflation of the 270 years, a serious setback, but she did not collapse, especially because of the complex regional differences. Recent research has demonstrated that it certainly gave regions prospered even further, such as Egypt, Africa and Hispania. But even in Asia Minor, which was directly affected by attacks that may be observed no general decline. [75] While several regions of the trade and the economy flourished, particularly as some provinces were not affected by hostilities broke out in other provinces, some serious problems, which show among other hoards in the northwestern provinces of the empire. From a general economic crisis throughout the empire and for the entire Soldatenkaiser time can not be spoken. [76] also posted in the earlier research thesis from various pagan and Christian sources-looking statements could be deduced a general crisis of consciousness among his contemporaries, [77] has been disputed recently because of widespread destruction expectations of the population can not speak be. [78]
In the area of town life occurred during the period of imperial crisis, not even to a loss of urban self-government or a general decline, although the construction in vulnerable regions, concentrating on fortifications. Along with the plundering of the various invaders, is locally a cultural maturity to determine which is also reflected in the arts. In Athens, it came after the Herulereinfall 267 to a decline. However, the city was also the period of imperial crisis, an important educational center, as well as Rome, Carthage, Alexandria and Antioch.
The developments of the 3rd Century also allowed people from humble origins to the rise of a military career. These climbers and the new urban elites took over the traditional value system, which approached that education plays a major role. In the philosophical realm, where were Plotinus, Porphyry and Longinus act originated with the Neo-Platonism, a new, responsive to the needs of the time flow. In the religious sphere which Christianity grew stronger, and with the traditional deity cults was a trend) to focus on a single deity (Henotheism. Also spread a new religion with universal claim, Manichaeism, from the west of the empire into Central Asia. [79]
Thus, some symptoms of crisis may not be generalized and overstated, and it is doubtful whether even possible to speak at the peak of crisis of a truly existential threat. [80] Although the empire was generally weak, he managed the emperors gradually to regain control, go back on the offensive and regain the temporarily split off parts of the empire in the west and east. The differentiated approach to the more recent research has led to a balanced overall assessment. This takes into account, inter alia, that in the reign of Emperor Gallienus approaches to reform were that were under the following emperors, and still continuing in late antiquity.
The era of "imperial crisis" can be divided into three phases. The first covers the period from the end of the Severan dynasty (235) to about 253, in which the emperor presented clearly in the tradition of the Severan principate. In the second phase, under Valerian and Gallienus, were piling up various symptoms of crisis, until about the middle of the 3rd Century, the crisis reached its climax. It should be noted however, that these two emperors recognized the problems and were trying to address them. In the third phase, from 268 following a strong recovery is evident, these in the fundamental reform of the empire flowed Diocletian and Constantine's time. Thus, the time of the soldier emperors was a period of transition from the Principate to Late Antiquity.
Sources
The sources for the period of "imperial crisis" is one of the most problematic in the field of ancient history, not least because it lacks a cohesive history for this period. [81] The imperial biographies of Marius Maximus ended with Elagabalus. The historical work of Cassius Dio ends in the year 229, and the works of Dio Cassius, Herodian, often dependent on a history of the Empire after Marcus, extends only to 238 and is often unproductive. For the following decades, up until the time Diocletian and Constantine, completely lacking in coherent contemporary representations.
The Late Antique Historia Augusta, a collection of Latin Emperor Biographies - which has been drafted to meet the information contained therein rather than the six writers to 300, but only by an anonymous author probably pagan around 400 - although a full report on the various imperial soldiers, most of the information but they are wrong or at least not very credible, and some biographies are even completely invented. [82] In the field lateinischsprachigen are otherwise more so-called Breviarien (concise histories) from the 4th Century mention, the Caesars of Aurelius Victor, Eutropius of the breviary, the work of Rufius Festus, and the anonymous Epitome de Caesaribus. The authors of this Breviarien used as an important, often the only source of a now lost imperial history, which is known as Enmannsche imperial history. They probably went fairly detailed look at the various tyranni (usurpers) and probably contained less reliable information. Other Latin works that arrived at length on the time of the soldier emperors more or less, have been lost, the relevant passages in the historical work of the last major Roman historian of antiquity, Ammianus Marcellinus, who also found in the surviving portions of his work partly on the 3 . Century, received, or the Annales of Nicomachus Virius Flavian. [83] From a rich Roman history is for the 3rd Century will not be considered anyway. Later Latin authors were based probably on the Senate reports and Greek-works, although some researchers think that in the time of Diocletian possibly other (now lost) Latin historical works have been created. [84]
The Greek historians flourished in contrast to Latin in the time of the "kingdom of crisis." Nicostratus of Trebizond, wrote a book on the period from 244 to the capture of Valerian by the Persians. Ephorus the Younger described the reign of Gallienus, and a certain Eusebius treated in its imperial history, the time to Carus. Of all these works, little more than the names of their authors are known only from the history of Eusebius, two fragments have been preserved. Not fared much better the 1000-year history of Rome of Asinius Quadratus, the only to receive as his Parthergeschichte, a few quotations by later authors. One bright spot are the fragments from the historical works of Dexippos, described in his 12 books comprehensive chronicle the period to 270 and in his battles against the Germans Skythika of about 238 to 270/74, closely based on the style of Thucydides. [85] Dexippos, at the Chronicle EUNAPIUS followed by Sardis, is often described as the greatest historians of his time, which is true also because the source is certainly capable. [86] But this should not obstruct the view out how bad the tradition from the period covered is: The literary output burst (at least in the Greek-speaking east of the empire) not one, but it was lost in the aftermath. [87]
Later historians, however, were able to draw on these works, for example Zosimus (c. 500), or various Byzantine authors, either lay before them the original works, or they drew their information from Zwischenquellen. Among them are the so-called anonymous post Dione (probably identical with the lost histories of Petros Patrikios), John Malalas the chronicler, John of Antioch, and John George Synkellos Zonaras. The quality of the reports varies. They sometimes provide valuable, reliable information about the anonymous post Dione and Zonaras, the latter fell back on the so-called Leoquelle. Of importance also known as the works of church historians such as Lactantius and Eusebius of Caesarea, the "father of church history are" is, as well as other Christian writers such as Origen and Cyprian of Carthage. The Romanized Goth Jordanes, in the 6th Century, wrote, and could rely on his Gothic history now lost sources, also reported on events from the time of the soldier emperors, but is not always reliable. Numerous other works (in Latin and Greek, but also Syrian, Arabic, Armenian or Persian language) contain additional information relevant to the reconstruction of events during the period of "imperial crisis of meaning, but they can for the loss of an integrated historiography the 3rd Unable to compensate for centuries.
For this reason, just come to the non-literary sources a significant impact on the time of the soldier emperors, whether they are numismatic (especially as evidence of some emperors, whose existence would otherwise doubtful), papyrologische (not least important to clarify chronological questions ), inscriptions (as on the altar of Augsburg wins) or archaeological features. However, these sources are often not easy to interpret and to place in the context of imperial history. [88]
[Edit] Research history
The problem is in addition to the general assessment of the era had to define them. Several historian said, appealing to the popular verdict of the historian Cassius Dio, which ended with the death of Marcus Aurelius, a golden age and an era of iron and rust started [89] that one should be starting the era of Emperor Septimius Severus troops. It was between the time of the soldier emperors and the time of the actual "Imperial Crisis" can be distinguished more or less. Nowadays, however, generally allows the time of the emperor and the imperial troops crisis (used here only as a period designation) by the year 235, and end with the accession to power of Diocletian (284/85). [90]
The era of "imperial crisis was already in classical representations such as the Histoire des empereurs et autres princes qui ont regne pendant Les Six premiers siècles de l'Eglise by Louis-Sébastien Le Nain de Tillemont the late 17th Century or in the History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire by Edward Gibbon in the 2nd Half of the 18 Half Of The 18th Century dealt with Gibbon, often based on the material basis Tillemont. From a scientific inquiry into this period in the strict sense may, however until the 19th Century are discussed. [91] Even Gibbon considered the time from Septimius Severus as a military rule, but it was based on Cassius Dios assessment. The period from 248 to 268, in which the invasions increased steadily over the empire, the Romans and suffered several defeats, he calls "twenty years of shame and misfortune." [92] Jacob Burckhardt devoted himself in his novel The Time of Constantine the Great (1853) and the military emperors. Burckhardt used to characterize this period, terms such as "Soldatenkaisertum" and "crisis", as Gibbon, but he considered the "Illyrian emperors" as the savior of the empire. The largely negative characterization of this period was followed by the various imperial history of late 19th and early 20 and early 20th century. [93]
Great importance for the progress of research in the first half of the 20th Century were primarily three scholars: Michael Rostovtzeff, Andreas Alföldi and Franz Altheim. [94] So different were these personalities - Rostovtzeff marked by the consequences of the Russian Revolution of 1917, Alföldi drifted from the time of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, Altheim, was actually an original thinker, from now into the Nazi ideology - were so varied and their research approaches. Rostovtzeff, of the time), from 235 as a "military anarchy" characterized (a French research is still quite common designation came from a socio-economic perspective and believed that it could represent an antagonism between the former Urban and rural population. Alföldi published numerous works on the time of the Empire crisis, including two significant contributions in the 12th Volume of the old Cambridge Ancient History, who Seinerzeit represented a major milestone for the research and even today is still useful. Alföldi was of the opinion that the internal and external symptoms of crisis are in the 3rd Century, a head and nobody thought could protect against the Roman state. Alföldi also looked at the Illyrian emperors as the saviors of the empire, which took the necessary reforms. Altheim also devoted several works to the soldier where he used the term too much of the public was more familiar, and as the beginning of the period looked at the year 193. In his book The emperor Soldiers (1939), which was financed by money from the SS-affiliated research institute, "The Ancestral Heritage", Altheim put forward the theory of the contrast between the regions during the period of imperial soldiers, so have an Illyrian-Germanic opposition existed in the army . The imperial idea had lost more and more followers, until he at the time of Gallienus stronger again came into play. His "Racial approach Altheim led to an attempt to prove the" Germanic "of Maximinus Thrax. But he was criticized, among others, Wilhelm Enßlin, who - working even during the Nazi era in Germany asked - then what role it plays in general. Altheim, whose observations such as those of Rostovtzeff highly time-bound, indicated the time of the soldier emperor as the endpoint of a long period of creeping crisis that had befallen Rome. The concept of "empire crisis" but played only in later, revised editions of his work a role. Despite the many problematic and unsustainable valuations, it remains a merit Altheim, the peripheral regions of the Empire have more strongly involved in the presentation.
Also in the second half of the 20th Century, the preoccupation with the time of crisis, Empire does not. [95] Significant contributions were made by Géza Alföldy who takes the view that a crisis was palpable in contemporary consciousness, as in the work Herodian, and David S. Potter, who believes that broad segments of the population were little affected by the crisis and that many reforms of the military emperors Diocletian and Constantine to the forecasting period, Klaus-Peter Johne, which distinguishes between a military and a longer-term crisis, and Charles Strobel and Christian Witschel. Especially Witschel Strobel and criticized the traditional crisis model to explain the developments in the 3rd Century was unfit. An all-encompassing crisis, even a "world crisis formulated" (as catchy of Alföldi) did not exist. They pointed out that some regions of the empire flourished and were not affected by the military threats that time. Witschel, who designed several models of crisis, argued that there was indeed a local and temporary crises, but these were overcome through reform, they are ultimately only a portion of a long-term transformation been. Also Strobel went from a structural change in the 3rd Century from, but denied the existence of a "crisis consciousness" at that time, because people would not have the many different issues and regional disasters, in contrast to later critics combined into an overall picture. However, several researchers are still present (including Lukas de Blois) a different approach, namely a wider crisis, except that it is fully broken until about 250th
Traditionally, the time of the Soldatenkaiser was usually viewed as negative and placed in the context of an imperial crisis. Some scholars have seen signs of disintegration in the interior, which were exacerbated by external threats only as the main cause (Gibbon, Rostovtzeff), while others kept the external threat of decisive (Altheim). Such mono-causal approaches - as well as the Marxist view of several researchers that internal problems could be attributed mainly to a "crisis of the slave economy" [96] - have proved to be totally unfit. Since the 90s of the 20th Century judge it much more distinct, the time of the soldier emperors is rather understood as an era of change. In fact, in modern research, the opponents and proponents of the concept of crisis is not as far apart as it might initially seem. It is undisputed that some regions prospered during the era of imperial crisis, but also that the Empire had to fight at least occasionally, with serious difficulties. The difference ultimately lies in the weighting of these aspects. [97]
[Edit] References
* Andreas Alföldi: Studies in the History of the world crisis of the 3rd Century after Christ. Darmstadt 1967th
(A collection of his essays Alföldi, still very useful.)
* Bruno Bleckmann: The Crisis of the Third Reich. Century in the late antique and Byzantine history. Nachdionischen investigations into the sources of the Chronicle of John Zonaras. Munich 1992.
(Detailed study of the sources to the authors of the Byzantine Empire crisis.)
* Alan Bowman, Averil Cameron, Peter Garnsey (ed.): The Cambridge Ancient History. 2. 2. rev. rev. Edition, Vol 12 (The Crisis of Empire, AD 193-337). Cambridge 2005th
(Newer data work, although with respect to the political history of very close and in parts already obsolete.)
* Henning Börm: The reign of the Emperor Maximinus and the Six Emperors 238th The beginning of the "kingdom crisis"? . In: Gymnasium. Vol 115, 2008, p. 69-86.
* Stephanie Brecht: The Crisis of the Roman Empire until the outbreak reached its peak in the representation of Byzantine authors. Rahden / Westf. 1999th 1999th
(Includes translated excerpts source.)
* Michel Christol: L'empire romain du IIIe siècle. Histoire politique (de 192, mort de bureau, à 325, Concile de Nice). 2. 2. Edition, Paris 1998.
* John F. Drinkwater: The Gallic Empire. Separatism and Continuity in the North-Western Provinces of the Roman Empire AD 260-274. Stuttgart, 1987 (History Miscellaneous Publications 52).
* Felix Hartmann: Change the rich and the ruler of crisis. Investigations into the causes and consequences of the change in the rulers of the Roman Empire soldiers Empire (3.-century AD). Frankfurt 1982 (European university publications, Ser. III, vol 149).
* Udo Hartmann: The Palmyrene sub-kingdom. Stuttgart 2001 (Oriens et occidens 2).
* Olivier Hekster: Rome and Its Empire, AD 193-284. Edinburgh 2008th
(Knappe, informative manner with the selected source extracts in English translation.)
* Olivier Hekster, Gerda de Kleijn, Danielle Slootjes (ed.), Crises and the Roman Empire. Proceedings of seventh workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Nijmegen, June 20-24, 2006). Brill, Leiden etc. 2007th
* Klaus-Peter Johne, Thomas Gerhardt, Udo Hartmann (ed.): Deleto paene Imperio Romano. Processes of transformation of the Roman Empire in the 3rd Century and its reception in modern times. Stuttgart 2006.
(Useful collection of essays on various topics of the imperial crisis.)
* Klaus-Peter Johne (eds): The era of the imperial soldiers. 2 vols Berlin 2008.
(Ambitious project that tries to portray the current state of research by the contributions of numerous experts. It currently provides the basic handbook for the time of the soldier emperors dar.)
* Fergus Millar: P. Herennius Dexippus. The Greek World and the Third Century Invasions. In: Journal of Roman Studies 59, 1969, p. 12-29.
(Important items to historiography of the 3rd century.)
* David S. Potter: The Roman Empire at Bay. AD 180-395. London ua 2004, ISBN 0-415-10058-5.
(Very good overall presentation, taking also highlights the socio-cultural aspects.)
* David S. Potter: Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Empire. A Historical Commentary on the Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle. Oxford 1990, ISBN 0-19-814483-0.
* Michael Sommer: The soldier emperors. Darmstadt 2004 (history of Compact), ISBN 3-534-17477-1.
(Knappe and informative introduction. Just to recommend not only for lay people, although in some respects controversial and not without problems.)
* Karl Strobel: The Roman Empire in the "3 Century ". Model of a historic crisis? . Stuttgart, 1993 (History Miscellaneous Publications 75), ISBN 3-515-05662-9.
(Main display, it is argued in an all-encompassing approach to the crisis period in the 3rd century.)
* Gerold Walser, Thomas Pekary: The Crisis of the Roman Empire. Report on the research on the history of the 3rd Century (193-284 AD) of 1939 and 1959. Berlin 1962.
* Christian Witschel: crisis - recession - stagnation? The West of the Roman Empire in the 3rd Century AD. Frankfurt am Main 1999.
(Very factual inquiry into the changes of the third century, particularly the "crisis issue" highlights and convincing showing that there had been only around 600 of the decisive break, while the differences between the Principate and late antiquity were overestimated in many respects.)
[Edit] Notes
In the bibliography of literature cited is listed in abbreviated form, all other representations are quoted in full.
1. ↑ Good overview of the period from Commodus in Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, p. 85ff.
2. ↑ to see the survey by Maximinus Ulrich Huttner: From Maximinus to Aemilianus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 161ff. () with further references, see Henning Börm next: The Reign of Emperor Maximinus and the Six Emperors 238th In: Grammar School 115 (2008), p. 69-86. General event for the history of imperial soldiers, see also John Drinkwater: Maximinus to Diocletian, in Bowman and others, The Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd Edition, Vol 12, p. 28ff.; Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, p. 167ff. The first is the soldier, despite the sometimes outdated research level, still the representation in the 1 Edition of the Cambridge Ancient History worth reading: Wilhelm Enßlin: The Senate and the Army. In: The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol XII: The Imperial Crisis and Recovery AD 193-324. Edited by SA Cook, FE Adcock, including Cambridge, 1939, p. 72ff. See also Karl Christ: History of the Roman Empire. 4. 4. Ed Munich 2002, p. 634ff.; Michael Sommer: Roman History II, Rome and its empire in the imperial period. Stuttgart 2009, p. 261ff.
3. ↑ See Jan Burian: Maximinus. His image in Herodian and the Historia Augusta. In: Philologus 132 (1988), p. 230-244.
4. ↑ Did he really like the historian Herodian says, came from Thrace (Herodian, imperial history 7,1.), Is not entirely clear, see Huttner, from Maximinus to Aemilianus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 161
5. ↑ Huttner, from Maximinus to Aemilianus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 166f.
6. ↑ See Huttner, from Maximinus to Aemilianus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 173ff.
7. ↑ ↑ Cf to Cf Andrew Goltz: The people on the northwestern frontier, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 427ff. and Andreas Goltz: The peoples of the middle and north-eastern frontier, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 449ff. See also General Walter Pohl: The Germans. Munich 2004.
8. ↑ General to see Herwig Wolfram: The Goths. 4. 4. Edition, Munich 2001, p. 53ff. The following battles against the Germans, see also Andreas Alföldi: The invasion of Peoples from the Rhine to the Black Sea. In: The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol XII: The Imperial Crisis and Recovery AD 193-324. Edited by SA Cook, FE Adcock, including Cambridge, 1939, p. 138ff. (classical, although partly outdated representation); Andreas Goltz: The peoples of the middle and north-eastern frontier, in: Johne Others, soldier emperors, especially p. 456ff. () with more recent literature.
9. ↑ The relevant classical historiography see also Millar, P. Herennius Dexippus; Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, p. 241ff.
10. ↑ Dexippos, Skythika, Fragment 20 (= Historia Augusta, Maximus et Balbinus 16.3).
11. ↑ of introduction, see Joseph Wiesehöfer: Empire of the Sassanid, in Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 531ff. In addition, regarding the Sāsānidenreichs is based, inter alia: James Howard-Johnston: East Rome, Sasanian Persia and the End of Antiquity: Historiographical and Historical Studies (Collected Studies). Aldershot 2006; Klaus Schippmann: Broad history of the Sassanid empire. Darmstadt 1990; Wiesehöfer Josef: Ancient Persia. Update. Ed Düsseldorf 2005.
12. ↑ See Erich chain Hofen: The capture of Nisibis and Carrhae by the Sassanid in the reign of Emperor Maximin, 235/236 AD. In: Iranica Antiqua 30 (1995), p. 159-177. The early hostilities between Rome and Persia, see Peter M. Edwell: Between Rome and Persia. The Middle Euphrates, Mesopotamia, and Palmyra under Roman control. London et al, 2008, p. 149ff. And especially Erich chain Hofen: The Roman-Persian wars of the 3rd Century AD According to the inscription on the Sāhpuhrs I. Ka'b-ye Zartošt (SKZ). Wiesbaden 1982, Karin Mosig-Walburg: Romans and Persians, 3 Century until the year 363 AD Gutenberg 2009; Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, p. 217ff. Source translated excerpts can be found in Michael H. Dodgeon, Samuel NC Lieu: The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars (AD 226-363). London-New York 1991.
13. ↑ Huttner, from Maximinus to Aemilianus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 179ff.
14. ↑ To see Josef Wiesehöfer: The early Sasanian policy towards the West and the demise Hatras. In: Klio 64 (1982), p. 437-447.
15. ↑ See Dio Cassius, Herodian, 80.4 and 6.2.
16. ↑ See Erich chain Hofen: The calls of the Achämenidenerbes by Ardašir: a interpretatio romana. In: Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 15 (1984), p. 177-190. A more recent overview is relevant Philip Huyse: La revendication de par les territoires Achaemenid Sassaniden: une réalité historique? . Ancien in: Philip Huyse (eds.), Iran: Questions et connaissances I: Études sur l'Iran. Paris 2002, p. 294-308.
17. ↑ Several sources claimed that Philip the Arab had murdered Gordian, but what is the basis of other evidence sources, at least doubtful. See generally David MacDonald: The death of Gordian III - another tradition. In: Historia 30 (1981), p. 502-508; Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, p. 232ff. A clear answer is not possible.
18. ↑ To the Roman payments to the Persians see Henning Börm: causes and functions of the Persian claims to the Romans 3. () to 6th century. In: Historia 57 (2008), p. 327-346. General Christian Körner for Philip's reign: see Philip the Arab. A soldier-emperors in the tradition of Antonin-Severan principate. Berlin ua 2002. See also Huttner, from Maximinus to Aemilianus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 188ff.; Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, p. 236ff.
19. ↑ Zosimus 1.23. Zosimus mentions the Goths, according to his (presumed) source Dexippos, also "Scythians". About the motives of the invaders is the modern research disagree, surely played a role mainly plunder, see Körner, Philippus Arabs, p. 135, note 63rd
20. ↑ The contemporary Dexippos is as basic a successful failure of the Roman troops (Skythika, fragment 25). The Jordanes, writing 300 years later, was based on the lost Gothic history of Cassiodorus, however, indicates that the Goths had been prompted by monetary payments to the deduction (Getica 16, 89ff.).
21. ↑ In his reign, see Huttner, from Maximinus to Aemilianus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 201ff. See the following time Andreas Alföldi: The Crisis of Empire. In: The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol XII: The Imperial Crisis and Recovery AD 193-324. Edited by SA Cook, FE Adcock, including Cambridge, 1939, p. 165ff.; Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, 241ff.
22. ↑ see the reign of Valerian and his son Gallienus Andreas Goltz / Udo Hartmann: Valerian and Gallienus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 223-295.
23. ↑ Basically this is Philip Huyse: Šabuhrs I. The trilingual inscription at Ka'ba-i Zardušt (SKZ). 2 vols London 1999.
24. ↑ The date of the (first) is the conquest of Antioch, as well as several other points in the chronology of this period is controversial, but usually it is assumed 253rd The following is a rule, the reasoning followed in the manual of Johne.
25. ↑ The Persian campaign of 253 see Huttner, from Maximinus to Aemilianus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 218-221.
26. ↑ ↑ Cf Cf collectively Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, p. 251ff.
27. ↑ The persecution of Christians (see the source documents and other literature) Goltz / Hartmann, Valerian and Gallienus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 240-242 and p. 256f.
28. ↑ Goltz / Hartmann, Valerian and Gallienus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 244-246; sound Egon Mayer (ed.): The Augsburg wins altar. Testimony of a troubled time. Saalburgmuseum Bad Homburg vd H. 1995.
29. ↑ Zosimus 1.34 ff The dating is controversial, perhaps these raids also took place before 259. See Goltz / Hartmann, Valerian and Gallienus, 135 in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 247, note
30. ↑ SKZ, § § 18-22, the Greek version, is the translation of Engelbert Winter, Beate Dignas: Rome and the Persian Empire. Berlin 2001, p. 98 This view is confirmed, although propaganda by some Western sources, such as Eutropius (9.7) and later historians as the Byzantine John Zonaras (12.23), but other sources say (for example Zosimus 1,36,2), Valerian, Shapur had to negotiate had been captured and then asked during the interviews. See also Goltz / Hartmann, Valerian and Gallienus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 250f.
31. ↑ See generally Andreas Luther: Mesopotamian provinces of Rome after the capture of Valerian (260). In: Joseph Wiesehöfer Philip Huyse (eds.): Eran ud Aneran. Studies on the relationship between the Sasanidenreich and the Mediterranean world. Stuttgart 2006, 203-219.
32. ↑ The autocracy of Gallienus: Goltz / Hartmann, Valerian and Gallienus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 255 ff.
33. ↑ From To characterize the principate as an acceptance system, see Egon Flaig challenge: The Emperor. The usurpation of the Roman Empire. Frankfurt-New York 1992.
34. ↑ At this fatal cycle see Felix Hartmann: Change the rich and the ruler of crisis. Frankfurt am Main 1982.
35. ↑ Petros Patrikios, fragment 10th
36. ↑ See also David Potter: Palmyra and Rome: Odaenathus' titles and the use of the Imperium Maius. In: Journal for Papyrology and Epigraphy 113 (1996), p. 271-285. Swain tried to identify the other hand, that Odaenathus was given no official Roman Office, see Simon Swain: Greek into Palmyrene: Odaenathus as 'corrector totius Orientis'? . In: Journal for Papyrology and Epigraphy 99 (1993), p. 157-164.
37. ↑ To the anonymous post Dione, 7 fragment See generally Hartmann, The Palmyrene part Reich, p. 218ff.
38. ↑ fundamental to Hartmann, The Empire Palmyrene part, see also Hartmann, Das Reich Palmyrene part, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 343ff.
39. ↑ ↑ Cf Cf Hartmann, The Palmyrene part Reich, p. 306f.
40. ↑ See Drinkwater, The Gallic Empire, and Andreas Luther, The Gallic Empire Special, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 325ff. It is disputed in the research, notably the question of whether to assess these events as normal or as a usurpation of a deliberate attempt to capture part of the kingdom.
41. ↑ This was due in Oberpfaffenhofen Erich chain: the invasions of the Roman Empire in the 3rd Heruli Century AD. In: Klio 74 (1992), p. 291-313. See also Millar, P. Herennius Dexippus, p. 26ff.
42. ↑ Even though his participation is disputed in the fighting in modern research and partly, it is very likely that Dexippos is the speaker of the following, so-called general speech. See Gunther Martin Dexipp of Athens. Edition, translation and accompanying studies. Tübingen 2006, p. 37ff.
43. ↑ Dexippos, Skythika, fragment 28a (after Felix Jacoby, The fragments of Greek historians, No. 100) and fragment 25 (Martin, Dexipp of Athens). The translation is, with sharp cuts drawn from the edition with translation by Gunther Martin (Dexipp of Athens, p. 118, 121, 123), see also the related remarks Martins ibid., p. 185ff.
44. ↑ For background see the assassination of Gallienus Goltz / Hartmann, Valerian and Gallienus, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 289ff. See also the detailed analysis of Hartmann: Udo Hartmann, The murder of the Emperor Gallienus, in: Johne (eds), Deleto paene Imperio Romano, p. 81ff.
45. ↑ to Claudius II: Udo Hartmann, Gothicus Claudius and Aurelian, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 297ff.
46. ↑ This train must be distinguished clearly from the above-mentioned idea of Heruli 267/68, which was not often used, see Erich Hofen chain: the invasions of the Roman Empire in the 3rd Heruli Century AD. In: Klio 74 (1992), p. 291-313, especially p. 305ff.
47. ↑ See also Adolf Lippold, Emperor Claudius II (Gothicus), ancestor of Constantine the Great., And the Roman Senate. In: Clio 74 (1992), p. 380-394. However Lippold failed attempt at a dating of the Historia Augusta in the Constantinian period.
48. ↑ Not in the spring, as in the earlier research often assumed, see Udo Hartmann, Gothicus Claudius and Aurelian, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 308f.
49. ↑ to Aurelian: Udo Hartmann, Gothicus Claudius and Aurelian, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 308ff.
50. ↑ Zosimus 1.49.
51. ↑ Udo Hartmann, Gothicus Claudius and Aurelian, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 319ff.
52. ↑ The complex question of the origin and form of this cult, see Steven E. Hijmans: The Sun which did not rise in the East. The Cult of Sol Invictus in the Light of Non-Literary Evidence. In: BABesch. Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 71, 1996, p. 115-150, especially p. 119ff.
53. ↑ 35.2 Epitome.
54. ↑ At this emperor see Klaus-Peter Johne, The "Senate Kaiser Tacitus, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 379-393.
55. ↑ Probus to see Gerald Kreuch: The emperor Marcus Aurelius Probus und seine Zeit. Stuttgart 2003, see also next to Gerald Kreuch, Probus and Carus, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 395ff. Probus exactly what rank held is not known, but he was probably a fairly high ranking officer (Kreuch, Probus und seine Zeit, p. 126).
56. ↑ Perhaps the assassination of his rival operating Probus, see Zonaras 12.29. General and the Civil War to Florianus see Kreuch, Probus und seine Zeit, p. 122ff.
57. ↑ summary Kreuch, Probus und seine Zeit, p. 133ff.
58. ↑ ↑ Cf to Cf Kreuch, Probus und seine Zeit, p. 155ff.
59. ↑ Kreuch, Probus und seine Zeit, p. 162f.
60. ↑ Zosimus 1.66; see also Zonaras 12.29.
61. ↑ General: Kreuch, Probus und seine Zeit, p. 164ff.
62. ↑ See Kreuch, Probus und seine Zeit, p. 179ff.
63. ↑ To see Kreuch Carus, Probus and Carus, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 415ff.
64. ↑ See John Matthews: The Roman Empire of Ammianus. London 1989, p. 133 and 498, note 8
65. ↑ At the end of Empire soldiers see Kreuch, Probus and Carus, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 419ff. To see Diocletian including Wolfgang Kuhoff: Diocletian and the era of tetrarchy. The Roman Empire between crisis management and reconstruction (284-313 AD). Frankfurt am Main 2001; Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, p. 280ff., Roger Rees: Diocletian and the Tetrarchy. Edinburgh 2004th
66. ↑ deleto paene imperio Romano (Eutropius 9.9).
67. ↑ See the section on research in this article.
68. ↑ Back Below see also Johne / Hartmann, crisis and transformation of the Empire in the 3rd Century, in: Johne. Soldatenkaiser, p. 1025ff. A good, concise overview also provides Hekster, Rome and Its Empire, p. 3ff.
69. ↑ Johne / Hartmann, crisis and transformation of the Empire in the 3rd Century, in: Johne. Soldatenkaiser, p. 1041ff.
70. ↑ ↑ Cf Cf Johne / Hartmann, crisis and transformation of the Empire in the 3rd Century, in: Johne. Soldatenkaiser, p. 1026f.
71. ↑ glance at Kai Ruffing, the economy, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 817-819. See also the overall negative portrayal of Géza Alföldy: Roman social history. 3. 3. Ed Wiesbaden, 1984, p. 133ff.
72. ↑ Ruffing, the economy, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 821ff.
73. ↑ Ruffing, the economy, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 825ff.
74. ↑ ↑ Cf Cf Ruffing, the economy, in: Johne, soldier emperors,) p. 828 (with further references.
75. ↑ ↑ Cf Cf collectively Kai Ruffing, economic prosperity in the 3rd Century: The cities of Egypt as a paradigm? , In: Johne (eds), Deleto paene Imperio Romano, p. 223ff. in the same volume and the contribution of Christian Witschel, on the situation in Roman Africa during the 3rd Century, p. 145ff.
76. ↑ See, generally, Kai Ruffing, the economy, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 817ff. See also Hekster, Rome and Its Empire, p. 31ff.
77. ↑ For example, Géza Alföldy: The Crisis of the Third Century as seen by Contemporaries. In: Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 15 (1974), p. 89ff.
78. ↑ detail about this: Strobel, The Roman Empire in the 3rd Century. Century. Strobel notes that even where the source material allows more precise statements about the daily life, as in Egypt, it is not possible to demonstrate a longer-term crisis atmosphere (collectively, ibid, p. 285).
79. ↑ generally see to the religious development of Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 927ff.
80. ↑ See the survey by Johne / Hartmann, crisis and transformation of the Empire in the 3rd Century, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 1031ff.
81. ↑ A good overview provides the basic manual of Johne Others, soldier emperors, p. 15ff., Especially for historians Udo Hartmann, Historiography, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 893ff.
82. ↑ The Historia Augusta, one of the most controversial sources of antiquity, with further references, see introductory: Klaus-Peter Johne: The Historia Augusta, in: Johne, soldier emperors, p. 45ff.
83. ↑ Although it is unclear whether the Republic or the Flavian emperors time has dealt with, as nothing is received from the plant, but speaks more to the latter assumption. See Bruno Bleckmann: Observations on the Annales of Nicomachus Flavian. In: Historia 44 (1995), p. 83-99; Udo Hartmann: The literary sources, in: Johne, soldier emperors, especially p. 36-38; Jörg A. Schlumberger: The Epitome de Caesaribus. Studies on pagan history of the 4th Century AD, Munich 1974, passim.
84. ↑ ↑ Cf Cf Bruno Bleckmann: Considerations Enmannsche imperial history and the shaping of historical traditions in the time of Constantine and tetrarch. In: Giorgio Bonamente, Klaus Rosen (eds.), Historia Augusta Colloquium Bonnense. Bari 1997, p. 11-37, here p. 21ff.
85. ↑ It is fundamental to the history of his time and Dexippos Millar, P. Herennius Dexippus. See now also Gunther Martin Dexipp of Athens. Tübingen 2006 (Edition, translation and accompanying surveys).
86. ↑ Millar, P. Herennius Dexippus, especially p. 21ff., But see the negative assessment by Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, p. 233f.
87. ↑ See especially Paweł Janiszewski: The missing link: Greek pagan historiography in the second half of the third century and in the fourth century AD. Warsaw 2006.
88. ↑ overview of Johne, soldier emperors.
89. ↑ Cassius Dio 72,36,4.
90. ↑ On the problem of definition see salvation primarily Matthew: "soldier emperors as era concept, in: Johne (eds), Deleto paene Imperio Romano, p. 411ff.
91. ↑ In the following discussion, see in particular Thomas Gerhardt: Research: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 125ff.
92. ↑ Gibbon, Decline and Fall, Chapter 10.
93. ↑ overview of Gerhardt, Research, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 130f.
94. ↑ On this subject, see Gerhardt, Research, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 132ff. With supporting documents.
95. ↑ See Gerhardt, Research, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 144 ff.
96. ↑ See, eg, Elena Michajlovna Schtaerman: The crisis of the slave order in the west of the Roman Empire. Berlin, 1964. See also the overview of literature in Géza Alföldy: Roman social history. 3. 3. Ed Wiesbaden, 1984, p. 136, p. 194.
97. ↑ Gerhardt, Research, in: Johne Others Soldatenkaiser, p. 157